parties after the commencement of Washington's administration, is presented distinctly in the charter of the first national bank. The Secretary of the Treasury had been 1791. the constant advocate of a bank. A bill conforming to the plan of the Secretary of the Treasury, communicated in a special report, passed the Senate and was permitted to reach its third reading in the House of Representatives; on the third reading a powerful opposition sprung up, which had been little expected by its friends. Among the most distinguished opponents of the bill were Madison, Giles, Jackson, and Stone. The most imposing arguments brought to bear against the bill were directed against the constitutional authority of the General Government to charter a national bank.* This measure contributed not inconsiderably, says Marshall, "to the complete organization of those distinct and visible parties which, in their long and dubious conflict for power, have since shaken the United States to their centre." The distinct and visible parties were the Federal and Republican. Whilst the latter thought the great danger to be apprehended was the undue ascendency of the Federal Government, the former, equally respectable in talent, and more so in numbers at this time, had watched the progress of American politics, and as sincerely believed the real danger to the Republic was in the undue ascendency of the States; they were strongly confirmed in this sentiment by an accurate observation of the proceedings of several State legislatures respecting the action of Congress. Without reviewing the history of Washington's administration, with which the reader is now fully acquainted, and with those measures which, though reprobated by the Republican party, were justly applauded by the Federalists as the basis of the prosperity of the Union, I will contrast the condition of the country in 1788 and 1797:

At home, a sound credit had been created; an immense floating debt had been funded in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the creditors; an ample revenue had been provided; those difficulties which a system of internal taxation, on its first introduction is doomed to encounter, were completely removed; and the authority of the Government was firmly established. Funds for the gradual payment of the debt had been provided; a considerable part of it had been actually discharged;

* Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. ii. pp. 203, 206.

and that system which is now operating its entire extinction had been matured and adopted. The agricultural and commercial wealth of the nation had increased beyond all former example. The numerous tribes of warlike Indians, inhabiting those immense tracts which lay between the then cultivated country and the Mississippi, had been taught by arms and by justice to respect the United States, and to continue in peace.*

Abroad, our differences with the world were nearly all healed; the free navigation of the Mississippi was ours, with the use of New Orleans as a place of deposit for three years, and afterwards until some other place should be allowed us. This was an advantage of incalculable magnitude, as it removed the cause of mutual ill-will between the United States and one of the first maritime powers of the earth. Treaties had been formed with every nation of importance, and the waters of the world were opened to our commerce. And, more important than all, the principles of the Constitution were engraved upon the hearts of the American people.

This is the picture the Federal administration of Washington presents to the reader; this the picture the opposition party would blacken and deface. The great measures of this Administration show the necessity of that construction and application of the principles then practiced, whilst they prove with absolute certainty that the dangers apprehended by the State-rights school were without foundation. No shade hangs over the brightness of this picture but the unsettled difficulties with France, which were not adjusted until the succeeding Administration.

When Mr. Adams took charge of the reins of Government, elected as he had been by the same party who had rendered such undivided support to the preceding Administration, he designed, as he did to some extent, to carry out the principles of that Administration. It is true, the expenses of the Government were increased, as have been necessarily so during every succeeding Administration; yet the resources of the Government were enlarged, and Mr. Adams reduced considerably the public debt. The principles of neutrality, as the essential policy of the United States established by Washington, were adopted by Adams and rigidly pursued. The French difficulties, which devolved upon Adams's administra

* Marshall, vol. ii. p. 423.

tion, were adjusted with eminent skill, avoiding an expensive and sanguinary war, with equal protection to the honor of the nation and the interest of the citizens.

Clamorous though unnecessary objections were urged against the increase of the army. The reader will have seen from the preceding pages its necessity, from the perilous nature of the French difficulties. It must be viewed as a preparation for an expected war, and not as an effort to enhance the strength of the Government, merely for pomp and show; as soon as all appearance of war vanished the increased army was disbanded. The law establishing the Circuit Courts of the United States, to be holden by justices not of the Supreme and District Courts, which was soon repealed, showed the foresight of the Administration; they were dispensed with early in the succeeding Administration, because the business of the Federal Courts was comparatively small; yet future experience soon developed the narrowness of that policy which abolished them. Whilst Mr. Adams continued his administration upon the plain and simple provisions of the Constitution, it was exceedingly popular. In 1798 it was nearly the universal sentiment of the people that the administration and the measures of Congress were wise and proper. Before the close of the year 1800 an entire revolution in public opinion had pervaded the country. High and honorable gentlemen in every section, equally distinguished for virtue as for talent, had turned against the Administration, and it was soon discovered that Mr. Adams could not be reelected.

This sudden change of public opinion is attributable to several causes. In Virginia and Kentucky, the passage of the Alien and Sedition Laws had turned the voice of the people loudly against the Administration, which, added to the influence of Thomas Jefferson, and the promulgation of the ultra Democratic doctrines which he entertained, linked with a sympathy for France, which existed extensively at that time throughout the country, left scarcely a party for Adams in these two States. The Alien and Sedition Laws scarcely diminished his popularity in the Northern States; they had been sustained with great unanimity by the legislature of every State at the North. The Administration had become quite unpopular among these States, however, and a union of the two extremes of the parties had taken place to put down the Administration. Many of the ultra Federalists, led by

the distinguished talent and influence of Hamilton, who, along with others, had left the Administration, and, though without sympathy for the Republican party, equally opposed the Administration. The Federalists were opposed to war with France; many of the anti-Federalists were advocates of a war. A large number of the Federal party deserted the Administration on account of the manner in which Adams had acted, and were much excited about his vascillating course in reference to France. It was known after the treatment our Envoys,-Messrs. Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry,-received from the French Court, that Mr. Adams had declared "that if France should send a Minister to-morrow, he would order him back the day after."* Very soon thereafter a correspondence sprung up between Mr. Adams and Mr. Murray, our Minister at the Hague, which resulted in the appointment of Mr. Murray as Minister to France. The unpopularity of this step induced, as the reader is aware, the appointment of two other gentlemen as associates of Mr. Murray; this was all done without the concurrence or advice of his cabinet. This entire appointment produced great dissatisfaction with the friends of the Administration. It was contended that it waived the point of honor, which, after two rejections of our Ministers, required that the next mission should proceed from France. After the many indignities and outrages that this country had received, it was thought that it exhibited a disposition to compromit the honor of the nation by yielding too much.†

Immediately after the New York election, which was known to be unfavorable to Mr. Adams, he abruptly dismissed two of his cabinet ministers,-Mr. Pickering, Secretary of State, and Mr. McHenry, Secretary of War,-which caused much sensation throughout the country, and had a considerable tendency in weakening the Federal party. Mr. Adams offered no excuse for this freak of temper, and it can only be attributed to his irascibility. It was notorious, besides Mr. Adams's great jealousy of men, that he was often liable to paroxysms of anger which deprived him of self-command. A forcible illustration of his temper is discovered in his actions towards his own friends by whom he was elected Vice-President; when he ascertained that it was, as he knew, the intention of the entire country that Washington should be President

* Hamilton's Letter upon the Administration of Adams. Ibid. Ibid.

and he Vice-President. After Washington and Adams had been selected, the first for President, the latter for Vice-President, owing to the then existing mode of voting, it was foreseen that the wishes of the people might be defeated, unless Washington was elected, and it was determined, to obviate this difficulty, that a number of Mr. Adams's friends should vote for other persons, and by thus diverting their votes insure to General Washington a plurality. Mr. Adams complained of great unfairness in not being allowed to take an equal chance with General Washington.* Abundant evidence exists of the coldness, selfishness, and badness of temper, often rising to rage, which, notwithstanding Mr. Adams's great talent and undoubted patriotism, rendered him entirely unfit to fill the office of Chief Magistrate.

Mr. Adams possessed great talent, highly polished and cultivated, united with the highest patriotism and the most unflinching honor; his administration in all foreign relations was unexceptionable. The nation, at the expiration of his term, stood in a commanding attitude of defence; and liberty, peace, and improvement, shed their halcyon rays throughout the land. Public credit had been fully established, and the faith of the nation was pure and unsullied, commanding the respect and admiration of the civilized world.

Yet in surveying the domestic policy of this Administration, all must feel the strongest conviction of the necessity of a change of our internal policy. In concluding this chapter, I will remark, that an enlightened public opinion from the heads of the Federal party, though not united with the Republicans in the election of Mr. Jefferson, lent their aid to the defeat of Adams. The former were no longer satisfied that Mr. Adams could successfully carry out the first established principles of our Government, owing to the great dissensions he had created in his own party and even in his own political household. The latter, urging the objections of the party to which Mr. Adams was attached, added to the other features of their principles which I have already noticed, likewise attacked, with some show of plausibility, and most assuredly with some success, the purity of the right arm of the civil power of every Government-the Judiciary. Whilst the administration of justice under our Federal Judiciary was so adroitly conducted as to obviate punishment on the part

*Hamilton's Letter upon the Administration of Adams.