From which it appears that both descriptions of the colored population had increased much faster than the whites in the last ten years. In 1810 the slaves constituted less than onethird of the population of the slave States, but now it was more than a third*

After the result of the census was ascertained, the ratio of representation was fixed at 35,000, increasing the number of the lower House to 182 members, which was forty more than belonged to the preceding Congress, the adjustment of which will appear from the following statement; which will also show the alterations made in the number of representatives from different States, and the comparative increase and decrease of different sections of the country:

Free Whites. Slaves. All others. Total. Reps. 918,699 15,017 25,333 959,049 27

States.

New York.....

The territorial population was insufficient to allow a representative at this time.

* Tucker's Population of the United States, chap. iii. p. 27.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE WAR OF 1812.

THE Twelfth Congress, which convened on the 1811. 4th of November, was called together by the proclamation of the President, which had been issued on account of the critical condition of the country. Hopes had been entertained when the last Congress adjourned that the orders in council would be repealed, especially as the causes which led to their enactment were supposed to be done away with by the formal revocation of the Berlin and Milan decrees. The orders in council were not repealed, under the pretence, which for a time was true, that the French decrees were not effectually repealed. Although Foster, the British Minister, had admitted to Monroe, then Secretary of State, that no blockade could be binding unless supported by an adequate force, England audaciously and impudently demanded of this Government a strict observance of her orders, closing the ports of France, from the Elbe to Brest, against vessels that did not carry on their trade through Great Britain.

England was aiming a death-blow at our commerce, merely to obtain revenge on France in the Berlin and Milan decrees. Our vessels were constantly seized upon the ocean on no other pretext but the bare suspicion of an intention on our part to violate this paper blockade, which is always considered by the law of nations as utterly useless unless sustained by a sufficient force.

Whilst this Government was using every means to preserve friendly relations with the belligerents, the world will impartially judge of the wrongs done us, when it is apprised that under the British orders in council, and since the recommencement of the Continental war, that there were 917 captures, 389 having occurred since the orders in council.

The French seizures and captures amounted to 558, 317

being under the Berlin and Milan decrees, and 45 since their alleged repeal; and under the iniquitous system of impressment, England had taken from the crews of American vessels, peaceably navigating the high seas, upwards of six thousand mariners, sailing under the stars and stripes and claiming to be American citizens.†

is.

Nov. 5, 1811.

When Congress convened, the President sent in his Third Annual Message, stating the cause of calling the representatives of the people together at an earlier date than their usual time of meeting, in which he briefly recapitulated the causes of complaint against Great Britain, urging an immediate and effectual vindication of our rights and our honor. He also expressed the great dissatisfaction we were compelled to entertain towards France, on account of the grievous injuries she had done us, which were, however, then under consideration at Paris between our Minister and the French Government. After recapitulating the many wrongs we had received from the belligerent nations, he boldly stated, "with this evidence of hostile inflexibility in trampling on rights which no independent nation can relinquish, Congress will feel the duty of putting the United States into an armor and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and corresponding with the national spirit and expectations.'

The Congress to which this Message was sent was overwhelmingly Republican; in the Senate there were only six Federalists, Massachusetts even being partially represented by a Republican in the person of Varnum, so often Speaker of the House, but then the successor of Pickering in the Senate of the United States. Bayard and Lloyd still ably represented the Federal party, and Dana was there as the successor of Hillhouse. The Federalists were indirectly aided by the influence of Giles and Smith and Leib, who used every effort to thwart the policy of the Administration. In the desertion of Giles, the Republican party in the Senate found as efficient a leader in the person of Crawford, who, if less skilled in debate, was more influential as a man; whilst at the same time he was ably supported by a new member from Tennessee named Campbell.

In the House, the entire strength of the Federal party had dwindled to 36, though in debate they relied much on the veteran Quincy, sustained by Key and Martin and Chittien

* Hild. Hist., second series, vol. iii. p. 312.

Ingersoll, vol. i. p. 39.

den. Randolph, like Giles in the Senate, did everything genius and wit and satire could effect, to thwart the Republican party, which, however, had strengthened since the last Congress. With the exception of Connecticut and Rhode Island, New England, as well as New York, was decidedly Republican. Pennsylvania had but one Federalist. Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina had only ten. As a strong evidence that the war spirit was increasing, every violent war member of the last Congress had been re-elected. Porter, Wright, Williams, Troup, Desha, Johnson, McKee, and Cheves were all old members and violent war men; whilst added to the list were three new names ever to be remembered in the annals of America,-Clay, Calhoun, and Lowndes.

The peace and war parties divided off at the very beginning of the session, as was manifest in the contest for Speaker, the war party being represented by Henry Clay, whose talent, energy, and character, had marked him as the proper man to fill the Speaker's chair, though it was his first session. Clay was known to Congress and the country, having served a short time in the Senate. William W. Bibb,-who had been a member of Congress for six years from the State of Georgia, was a warm political friend of Gallatin, and was urgent for the maintenance of peace,-was the peace candidate for Speaker, but was beaten by Clay, the war candidate, by a vote of 75 to 35.

That part of the Message which had reference to our foreign affairs, was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, which the Speaker had appointed with characteristic skill, so as to favor the war sentiment, which day by day was spreading with increased rapidity.

Peter B. Porter, of New York, chairman of the committee, was determined that inactivity and indecision should no longer mark the character of the Republican, or, as it was beginning to be called, the Democratic party; with zeal and assiduity it commenced work, and in a short time presented to Νόν. 29. the House the celebrated report, which was the first official document which breathed a high and determined spirit of resistance to the unparalleled wrongs we had suffered.*

This report was brief, but fervent, eloquent, and patriotic, and exerted a beneficial influence upon the community. It noticed the many injuries committed against us by France

* American State Papers, vol. viii. p. 241.

and England. The former for more than five years, by her oppressive Berlin and Milan decrees, seizing the property of our citizens, producing derangement and ruin to our commerce; in aiming a blow at the power and prosperity of England, we were more deeply injured. Whilst, in a few words, the great cause of complaint against Great Britain, the committee had only to say, "That the United States, as a sovereign and independent power, claim the right to use the ocean, which is the common and acknowledged highway of nations, for the purpose of transporting in their own vessels the products of their own soil and the acquisitions of their own industry, to a market in the ports of friendly nations, and to bring home in return such articles as their necessities or convenience may require, always regarding the rights of belligerents as defined by the established laws of nations. Great Britain, in defiance of this incontestible right, captures every American vessel bound to or returning from a port where her commerce is not favored, enslaves our seamen, and in spite of our remonstrances perseveres in these aggressions. To wrongs so daring in character and so disgraceful in their execution, it is impossible that the people of the United States should remain indifferent; we must now tamely and quietly submit, or we must resist by those means which God has placed within our reach." The committee would not cast a shade over the American name by the expression of a doubt which branch of this alternative would be embraced.*

This report concluded with a recommendation of the immediate and adequate increase of the military forces of the United States.

The doctrines of this report were thoroughly those of the war party, among the most conspicuous was Henry Clay; and it was through the influence of this party that the distinguished Speaker appointed men on this committee known to be in favor of war with England as the only alternative. The first efforts of the war party were directed to an increase of the army and navy; and now it was that the unwise policy of Jefferson in reducing the right and left arm of our national defence (the army and navy) to comparative insignificance, began to be seriously felt.

On the 6th of November this report was taken up in the Committee of the Whole; the chairman,

* Report of Committee, Amer. State Papers, vol. viii. p. 245.

1811.