slave-trade to such an extent as to receive special attention in the Annual Message of the President, with the hope that some steps would be taken by Congress to render the law as efficient as would be necessary. The legislation of Congress was directed to no further action than the enactment of more severe laws for the purpose of restraining the African slavetrade, which, nevertheless, was indulged in to some extent for years afterwards. The African slave-trade was doubtlessly conducted with many scenes, alike abhorent to Christian feelings and the dictates of humanity; but with all the objections which the civilized world very justly made to a further indulgence in this traffic, it is equally clear that a most important social, political, and commercial interest has been engrafted upon the policy of the United States, which has not only become permanent with us and produced the great development of the resources of the agricultural States, but tended in a large degree to meliorate the condition of the Old World, by making this country the great reservoir for supplying with wholsome and necessary food its starving population. The great and crowning glory of this much-abused system has not yet been written, though commenced, in the grand drama of the world's history, and when done it will prove that it will have been the means, and the only means known to man, of Christianizing the African continent. The planting in Liberia a colony of free blacks, with seeds of liberty and Christianity, nurtured and sustained by that enlightened principle under which it flourishes, is alone due to the American Colonization Society. Experience has sufficiently demonstrated that it was, in a great measure, the mission of the black man to carry back to the home of his fathers those true principles of Christianity which, derived from the Bible, are the only means of giving a true and exalted position to the human family. The climate ever will present an impassable barrier to the white man, but to the black no such obstacle exists. The most remarkable event about this time was the formation of the American Colonization Society at the City of Washington, under the auspices and assistance of such men as Henry Clay, John Randolph, Wright, of Maryland, Bushrod Washington, its president, and other slaveholders. The president and managers of this society memorialized Jan. 14, Congress, in an address signed by Judge Washing1817. ton, setting forth the objects in view and asking assistance. All connection with emancipation was disclaimed, except providing a place for the free blacks, in which the South was deeply interested. Many evils were likely to result from the anomalous position of this class of our population, the members of which were free men, but exposed to many evils in consequence of their degraded position, and the social and civil disabilities under which they must forever rest. The necessity of some such society was becoming still more pressing, because the laws of most of the States forbade the recently emancipated slaves to remain in the State; which was followed up by counter-legislation on the part of other States, forbidding the migration of free people of color into their borders. This memorial was referred to a committee, who suggested that a settlement might very properly be effected at Sierra Leone; and a resolution was reported authorizing the President to enter into negotiations with Great Britain for that purpose; but not meeting with that success from the Southern members which it merited, the resolution failed, and the society was left to its own efforts.* Feb. 7, 1817. A bill to set apart and pledge as a permanent fund for internal improvements the bonus of the National Bank, and the United States share of its dividends, passed, at this session, both Houses of Congress. The constitutionality and expediency of internal improvements by the General Government was fully and ably discussed. The bill was reported to the House by a special committee, to whom the subject had been referred at an early part of the session, and was passed by a vote of 86 to 84. Calhoun was its most prominent advocate. He argued with great force and clearness not only its constitutionality, but demonstrated the policy and necessity of the adoption of a system of internal improvements by the General Government. "Abounding in pecuniary means," he inquires, "to what can we direct our resources and attention more important than internal improvements? What can add more to the wealth, the strength, and the political prosperity of our country?" He contended that the first power given to Congress is comprised in these words,-"To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises; to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform through* Niles's Register, vol. xi. p. 355. VOL. I.-28 out the United States." The Constitution gives the power to establish post-offices and post-roads. "I know," said Calhoun, "the interpretation given to these words confines our powers to that of designating only post-roads; but it seems to me that the word 'establish' comprehends something more. But suppose the Constitution to be silent, why should we be confined in the application of moneys to the enumerated powers?" He demonstrated that the uniform practice of our Government had been to appropriate money without reference to the enumerated powers, and cited examples in proof thereof.* Pickering stated he remembered that the supposition that Congress might, under the clause establishing post-roads, exercise the power of making roads in any State and where they pleased, was offered as a serious objection to the adoption of the Constitution, in the Convention of Pennsylvania, of which he was a member; and he answered the objection, observing, that the power to establish post-offices and postroads could intend no more than the power to direct where post-offices should be kept, and on what roads the mails should be carried.t Henry Clay, who had not a doubt upon his mind as to the constitutionality of the act, explained at some length the nature of the bill, which was merely to designate the fund to be set aside for internal improvements, and from time to time, as the proceeds of it came in, Congress could at some future day examine and decide upon the constitutionality of the question as it would arise.‡ The bill, as it passed both Houses of Congress, setting aside this fund for internal improvements, which was to be invested by the Secretary of the Treasury in United March 3, States Stock, until called for, was sent to the Pre1817. sident, and by him returned with his objections. Madison, who in his seventh and eighth Annual Messages had urgently recommended internal improvements to the attention of Congress, and who was extremely solicitous that there should be established in the District of Columbia a National University, vetoed the Bonus Bill because "the legislative powers vested in Congress are specified and enumerated in the 8th section of the First Article of the Con * Works of Calhoun, vol. ii. p. 186. + Ibid. stitution, and it does not appear that the power proposed to be exercised by the bill is among the enumerated powers, or that it falls, by any just interpretation, within the power to make laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution those or other powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States."* On the same day that the bill received the veto of Madison, the effort was made to pass it, "notwithstanding the objections of the President." It failed not only to obtain the constitutional vote of two-thirds, necessary under the circumstances to pass it, but fell below a majority of the House by four votes.† The administration of James Madison had now reached its termination. After a long and eventful public career, he passed from the highest office in the country to the shades of private life, with a reputation for patriotism and every moral virtue surpassed by no public man of his day. The condition of the country presented a bright picture of increasing prosperity. Our finances were in a most properous condition. We had during the year appropriated nineteen millions of dollars to reduce the debt incurred to obtain our independence; and advanced four millions more for the same purpose, in anticipation of the regular appropriation for 1818. The law for levying a direct tax was suffered to expire by its own limitation, with the prospect of a repeal of all internal duties at an early period. The gallant army that lately snatched victory from the brave battalions of England, though reduced in numbers, was yet sufficient for every purpose. The illustrious and unrivaled navy had reached a degree of power and efficiency to sustain the star spangled banner over whatever waters it floated or wheresoever it waved. Our manufactures were raising their heads and starting upon a career of success that would soon invite competition with the world. Our commerce had spread its sails to every breeze, with an export trade of more than eighty-five millions of dollars annually, with a yearly tonnage of one million three hundred and sixty-eight thousand. The administration of Madison was the most trying to our. constitutional form of Government that had occurred since its organization; more difficulties beset its pathway than * Elliott's Debates, vol. iv. p. 488. Niles's Register, vol. xii. p. 26. when the Ship of State was first launched on the troubled waters. The war which was ultimately so successfully waged and so honorably closed, at times threatened the integrity of our Union and the safety of our Constitution; not from the force of foreign aggression, for we were invincible from without, but from internal broils and domestic feuds; and if this Government is ever destroyed, it will be by the hands of its own people; all others combined can never move it from its firm foundation. The American people will cherish and admire for many years the skill, the fortitude, and the eminent judgment displayed by Madison in the management of our Government during the war; the calm and considerate policy which re-' strained the passions of those citizens who opposed the war, and the bold and energetic manner in which the enemy were met, until victory proudly rested upon our banner. That the plan of the different campaigns were always the most judicious, is not asserted; for there should have been no invasion of Canada; that our army was always placed in the most judicious position for defence, is not maintained; if it had been, Washington would not have been the scene of British barbarity. But none can deny that the war was sustained and conducted with great foresight, prudence, and wisdom. It was vehemently contended by many able and distinguished statesmen, that our Constitution rendered the Government unfit for war, and that it would be destroyed if a conflict with a foreign nation ensued. Experience soon demonstrated that if the people of the United States were true and loyal, that the Constitution could accompany and defend them through the severest trials of war, unharmed and unpolluted. The long political career of Madison demonstrated that he was a wise, skillful, and judicious statesman; yet his presidential career was not free from error. He temporized too long with Britain, and retarded for a while the development of our country by adhering to the embargo, instead of meeting the difficulty on the very threshold. It would have been better for the country had war ensued during the administra. tion of Jefferson; and the only excuse for Madison is, that he too fondly hoped the difficulties could be settled without an appeal to arms. The charge of inconsistency, which lies at the door of nearly every eminent statesman, is likewise visitable upon |