The same year Pennsylvania adopted a new constitution, without any limitation, except two years' residence, and paying a tax.

The constitution under which Vermont came into the Union, adopted in 1777 and slightly altered in 1785, recognized universal suffrage to every man twenty-one years old, and of quiet and peaceable behavior, after one year's residence.

In 1792, Kentucky adopted a constitution with a similar provision. George Nicholas, formerly of Virginia, was one of the ruling spirits of Kentucky at this time.

In 1796, Tennessee adopted her constitution, allowing every freemen to vote.

In most of the States an alteration took place at different times elevating the standard of the elective franchise, especially in reference to the term freemen, which was formed to embrace even emancipated slaves. In some of the free States free negroes vote, but it requires a higher property qualification than in the same State is required for white men.

CHAPTER III.

THE ADMINISTRATION OF GEORGE WASHINGTON.

AMIDST the primeval forest of America the wild savage had roamed, the loud ocean had washed its shores, the bright and genial sun had poured its lustre over the land, which, watered by the showers of heaven, had offered its abundance on every hand. European art and learning had softened and subdued the plenteous board of nature to the want of civilization; yet the far-sighted statesmen, the profoundest philosopher, had not pictured to the mind the mighty empire that slumbered on the wilds of North America; an empire unlike any the world had seen, where freedom in its untrammeled splendor would inspire man with the dignity of his birth, and sever forever the manacles that bound him to tyrants and despots. Here a new sun had risen in the political firmament, and though just bursting into view and dispelling the clouds that had so long clustered over the moral pathway of mankind, yet as it arose, as from a sea of darkness, millions caught its first cheering rays as the harbinger of a brighter and better day; and if the meridian was afar off, the morning of hope had dawned when the Constitution of the United States rose triumphant from the ruin of England's broken sceptre and shattered crown.

Upon the adoption of the Constitution, which was to go into operation when nine States should give their approval, the most important consideration was choosing a President.* Every friend of the new Constitution looked with intense desire to George Washington, as one whose brilliant career, exalted position, mature wisdom, sorely-tried and unflinching integrity, would not only allay opposition to the Constitution, but reflect credit and honor upon the infant Republic, and stamp it in its tender years with the dignity of his own character.

*New Hampshire formed the ninth State, consenting June 21, 1788.

On what other man could the mantle of the Revolution have fallen? Where else could a well-directed choice have rested whilst Washington lived? On the first Wednesday in February, 1789, the first Presidential Electors were chosen. On the first Wednesday in March of the same year, they assembled to vote for President and Vice-President of the United States. Washington received sixty-nine electoral votes for President, which made his election unanimous; John Adams received thirty-four electoral votes for Vice-President; the remaining votes were scattered among several other distinguished gentlemen. Adams was duly elected Vice-President. Prior to the amendment of the Constitution the Electoral College voted for two persons or more; the one obtaining the highest vote was elected President; the one obtaining the next highest, Vice-President. The election of Washington was made known to him officially at his country residence,Mount Vernon,-where the hero of a Revolution was taking his rest, after the din of battle had rolled away, beside his own loved Potomac. Charles Thompson bore And the message to Washington, which summoned him again from the sweet domestic retirement he loved and courted. The certificate of the Secretary of the Senate was presented to him, the votes having been counted before both Houses of Congress on the 6th of the same month.

1789.

Here is presented a beautiful scene for the eye of speculative philosophy; here its votary may trace the three periods that distinctly mark in lineament and feature the stages of the Government of the present United States; here he may see spread upon the historic canvas the crippled and infant efforts of the Continental Congress, and watch its growing strength as it struggles against oppression. He may look with gladdened eye as the picture brightens; he finds accumulated strength and strengthened hope as it emerges a Congress under the Articles of Confederation, which linking and binding the States with one cord in a common cause, he sees the sceptre tremble, and the waves of adversity, though rolling high, gradually, even in their wrath, passing away. How brightens the picture as the waves still continue to subside, and the Articles of Confederation, peering above the storm like the unscathed cliff, clear, bright, and almost spotless, are transformed into the Constitution of the United States, as it moves "sole and self-poised," like the sun in the firmament;

whilst its gravitating principle is the affection and orderly and brotherly love of the millions of Americans it has made and will continue to make free and happy men!

On the second day after Washington was informed of his election, he started for New York; leaving his family at Mount Vernon, he took leave of his affectionate companion, who so often had mingled her prayers with his toils and troubles, and the cheering smile of admiration with his noblest success. A short time before he left Mount Vernon for New York, he had visited his devoted and aged mother at Fredericksburg, Virginia, for the last time; she died on the 25th of August following his election; and now the earth covers the mortal remains of this truly pious woman. Upon the tomb is seen as the best eulogy, "Mary, the mother of Washington.' Mary did not see Washington after his election; yet she must have felt the withering grasp of age momentarily relaxed by this renewed manifestation of the appreciation of that character her own noble virtue had nursed and trained, alike for the highest service of his country and his God.

The strongest evidence of esteem was manifested, from Alexandria to New York, as the President elect pursued his way. He reached New York on the 23d of April. He was inaugurated on the 30th. On this day commenced the first administration of the government under the newly-adopted Constitution.

Higher and heavier responsibility rested upon the initiatory efforts of this administration than upon any succeeding period. The Constitution was an experiment, the machinery of Government new and incomplete; many and varied difficulties were calculated to retard and embarrass its operation. The expenses of the Government were to be regularly discharged; a heavy debt of nearly $80,000,000 rested on the restricted resources of the Republic; a destitute army awaited the action of Congress for the support of themselves and families; discontent disturbed the minds of some, distrust was lingering on the lips of others. These and other difficulties were to be adjusted by that Administration, which, being the first, would be looked to by its successors as an example and a light to the intricacies of government. In addition to these difficulties, the administration of Washington encountered on its very threshold a strong political resistance, which led to the first formation of parties under our Constitution, as will be more particularly noticed hereafter. At no period of our existence.

can it be said we were free from the influence of party difference and distinctions; party, with its partialities, its aversions, its adherence or rejection of measures and systems necessarily existing, as well as coexistent with the formation of human institutions, developed itself among the people of the Colonies, and gradually expanded its feelings and prejudices over the entire land. Before the Revolution, during its continuance, and upon its immediate close, great discord existed among the people, arising from individual embarrassment. A difference of opinion, a difference of policy as well as principle, at once arose in reference to the delivery of the people from embarrassment and impending ruin. One contended for an exact and scrupulous fidelity to public and private engagements; individual embarrassment, they thought, was to be alleviated by a high and honorable maintenance of character, industry, and prudence, not by the relaxation of the law, and the consequent impairment of moral principle as well as contract. The other party advocated and delineated a more indulgent course, manifesting a sympathy for the debtor class which tended strongly to the interruption of the enforcement of claims and collection of debts. "To exact a faithful compliance," says Chief-Justice Marshall, "with contracts, was, in their opinion, a harsh measure which the people would not bear. They were uniformly in favor of relaxing the administration of justice, of affording facilities for the payment of debts, or of suspending their collection and remitting the taxes."* In many of the States the latter formed the most numerous party, which resulted in an opposition on their part and a resistance of the transfer of the powers of Government, necessary for the control of these measures, from the hands of the people and the immediate government of the States, to the hands of Congress; and the "emission of paper money, the delay of legal proceedings, and the suspension of the collection of taxes, were the fruits of their rule whenever they were completely predominant."t

This party struggle became more violent for several years, as it was periodically renewed; its animation increased, because in the State governments no restraint existed to check this wild and radical principle, whilst the uncertainty of these great and important measures produced distrust in the Government, and an instability in the principles upon which it was

* Marshall, vol. ii. p. 103, 2d ed., 1850. + Ibid., p. 103.