and as I never have, so I never will again put your friendship to the trial as for myself. I inform Peyton that I have written to you, and desire him at the moment of the occurrence to address a letter to yourself directly that no time may be lost by it's passing thro' me, for not a moment will be lost by others, and the earlier the notice to you, the sooner

he still follows. Particular circumstances had interested me highly in his favor. There were two offices in Richmd either of which would have put him at ease. The one was that of P. M. the incumbent of which had recently died, and I asked it for him with the same earnestness as if for myself and on the ground of my having never before asked anything from the govmt personally. It was given to another. The other office is that of the collector of the port of Richmd. now held by Majr. Gibson, as worthy a man as could hold it, and one whom no one would ever wish to see withdrawn. in years and in a very low state of health.

But he is now advanced
He is at present gone to

the springs to recruit if possible and I wish he may, but it is not expected. Should anything happen to him it would be a 2d chance given me of getting something done for my friend Peyton. This is within your deptmt, and to you therefore I address my request to think of him on that event, and if no moral considn gives a higher claim to any other, give it to him, if only for my sake. Notwithstdg Gibson's ill health however my own and my age gives me no right to expect to be the survivor of the two. In that case I bequeath my friend as a legacy to you. And I pray you to be assured of my best affection & respect."

He seems to have felt this refusal keenly, for he had previously written to Leiper:

"MONTO [Oct. 27, 24].

"MY GOOD FRIEND,-Since my solicitation of July 22. at your request the ground on which I stand is entirely changed, and it is become impossible for me to ask anything further from the govmt. I cannot explain this to you, and even request you not to mention the fact. I should not have said it to you, but that I cannot offer you false excuses. My frdshp for you is the same, but this method of proving it is no longer in my power. Be assured of my constant & affecte attmt."

See also the letter to Monroe of July 18, 1824, and to Leiper of Dec. 6, 1824.

you may be able to preclude other importunities. I salute you with constant affection & respect.

DEAR SIR,-I receive Mr. Livingston's question through you with kindness and answer it without hesitation. He may be assured I have not a spark of unfriendly feeling towards him. In all the earlier scenes of life we thought and acted together. We differed in opinion afterwards on a single point. Each maintained his opinion, as he had a right, and acted on it as he ought. But why brood over a single difference, and forget all our previous harmonies? Difference of opinion was never, with me, a motive of separation from a friend. In the trying times of federalism, I never left a friend. Many left me, have since returned, and been received with open arms. Mr. Livingston would now be received at Monticello with as hearty a welcome as he would have been in 1800. The case with Mr. Adams was much stronger. Fortune had disjointed our first affections, and placed us in opposition in every point. This separated us for a while. But on the first intimation thro' a friend, we re-embraced with cordiality, recalled our antient feelings and dispositions, and every thing was forgotten but our first sympathies. I bear ill-will to no human being.

Another item of your letter fills my heart with thankfulness. With the other competitor it is an imaginary want, a mere change of lounge, to fill up

the vacancies of mind. Ever affectionately and respectfully yours.

TO THOMAS LEIPER

J. MSS.

MONTO. Apr. 3. 24.

I am really done, my friend, with politics, notwithstanding the doubts you express in your favor of Mar. 16. There is a time for everything, for acting in this world, and for getting ready to leave it. The last is now come upon me. You, I hope, will hold out as long as you can, because what you do, I know will always be done for the good of our fellowmen. With respect to the European combins against the rights of man I join an honest Irishman of my nbhood in his 4th of July toast "the Holy alliance, to Hell the whole of them."

In the Presidential election I am entirely passive. The pretended letter of mine to which you allude is a faithless travestie of what I really wrote. That was addressed to a friend, who had sollicited my thoughts on the subject. It expressed no preference of any and in terms which could give offence to none. He incautiously read the letter to a zealous partisan, who published it from memory and with perversions of terms adapted to his own wishes. I am truly sorry to see the foolish and wicked paragraph from a Richmond paper which you inclosed me. The frdly dispositions which have so long prevailed between Pensve & Virge and which have been so salutary to republican principles and govmt, are not I hope to be ruffled by a paper recently set up,

and which if conducted in the spirit of that paragraph will as certainly be soon put down. These states happen at present to differ in the object of their choice. Both favorites are republican, both will administer the govmt honestly, which with the most wisdom each state has a right to hope for itself. But such a difference, between thinking and rational men should excite no more feeling than a difference of faces; and seeing as I do, the permanence of our union hanging on the harmony of Pennsva & Virge, I hope that will continue as long as our govmt continues to be a blessing to mankind. To yourself long life, long health & prosperity.

1

TO EDWARD LIVINGSTON

J. MSS.

MONTICELLO, April 4, 1824.

DEAR SIR,-It was with great pleasure I learned that the good people of New Orleans had restored you again to the councils of our country. I did not doubt the aid it would bring to the remains of our old school in Congress, in which your early labors had been so useful. You will find, I suppose, on revisiting our maritime States, the names of things more changed than the things themselves; that though our old opponents have given up their appellation, they have not, in assuming ours, abandoned their views, and that they are as strong nearly as they ever were. These cares, however, are no longer mine. I resign myself cheerfully to the managers of the ship, and the more contentedly, as I

am near the end of my voyage. I have learned to be less confident in the conclusions of human reason, and give more credit to the honesty of contrary opinions. The radical idea of the character of the constitution of our government, which I have adopted as a key in cases of doubtful construction, is, that the whole field of government is divided into two departments, domestic and foreign, (the States in their mutual relations being of the latter;) that the former department is reserved exclusively to the respective States within their own limits, and the latter assigned to a separate set of functionaries, constituting what may be called the foreign branch, which, instead of a federal basis, is established as a distinct government quoad hoc, acting as the domestic branch does on the citizens directly and coercively; that these departments have distinct directories, co-ordinate, and equally independent and supreme, each within its own sphere of action. Whenever a doubt arises to which of these branches a power belongs, I try it by this test. I recollect no case where a question simply between citizens of the same State, has been transferred to the foreign department, except that of inhibiting tenders but of metallic money, and ex post facto legislation. The causes of these singularities are well remembered.

I thank you for the copy of your speech on the question of national improvement, which I have read with great pleasure, and recognize in it those powers of reasoning and persuasion of which I had formerly seen from you so many proofs. Yet, in candor, I must say it has not removed, in my mind,