may be, distant generations are not likely to know. He was the son of a clergyman in Braintree, and was educated at Harvard College, and inherited a very ample fortune, from his childless uncle. Hancock left no child. He had a son who died at an early age from an unfortunate accident. Hancock was sent as a delegate to congress in 1774, as before mentioned, and in consequence of his personal deportment, and his fame as a patriot, he was elevated, in an assembly of eminent men, to the dignity of President, which office he held when the Declaration of Independence was signed, at which time he was only thirty-nine years of age. In June, 1782, Governor Hancock had the appearance of advanced age, though only forty-five. He had been repeatedly and severely afflicted with the gout, a disease much more common in those days than it now is, while dyspepsia, if it existed at all, was not known by that name.* As recollected, at this time, Gov. Hancock was nearly six feet in stature, and of thin person, stooping a little, and apparently enfeebled by disease. His manners were very gracious, of the old style of dignified complaisance. His face had been very handsome. Dress was adapted quite as much to be ornamental as useful. Gentlemen wore wigs when abroad, and, commonly, caps, when at home. At this time, (June, 1782,) about noon, Hancock was dressed in a red velvet cap, within which was one of fine linen. The latter was turned up over the lower edge of the velvet one, two or three inches. He wore a blue damask gown, lined with silk; a white stock, a white satin embroidered waistcoat, black satin small-clothes, white silk stockings, and red morocco slippers. It was a general practice in genteel families, to * It may be that the very general practice of drinking punch in the forenoon, and evening, by all who could afford it, was the cause of the common disease of gout. have a tankard of punch made in the morning, and placed in a cooler when the season required it. Visiters were invited to partake of it. At this visit, Hancock took from the cooler, standing on the hearth, a full tankard, and drank first himself, and then offered it to those present.Hancock was hospitable. There might have been seen at his table, all classes, from grave and dignified clergy, down to the gifted in song, narration, anecdote and wit, with whom "noiseless falls the foot of Time, that only treads on flowers." There are more books, more reading, more thinking, and more interchange of thoughts derived from books, and conversation, at present, than there were fifty years ago. It is to be hoped that society is wiser, and happier, than it was, from being better instructed. Some persons may be of opinion, that if social intercourse is on a better footing now, than formerly, it is less interesting, less cordial than heretofore. It is not improbable that increase of numbers, and of wealth, tend to make the members of society more selfish; and to stifle expansive and generous feelings. Modes of life run into matters of show and ornament; and it becomes a serious occupation, to be able to compare condition on advantageous terms. Though Hancock was very wealthy, he was too much occupied with public affairs to be advantageously attentive to his own private ones. The times in which he lived, and the distinguished agency which fell to his lot, from his sincere and ardent devotion to the patriot cause, engendered a strong self regard. He was said to be somewhat sensitive, and easily offended, and very uneasy in the absence of the high consideration which he claimed, rather as a right, than a courtesy. He had strong personal friends, and equally strong personal enemies. From such causes arose some irritating difficulties. He had not only a commanding deportment, which he could qualify with a most attractive amenity, but a fine voice, and a highly graceful manner. These were traits which distinguished him from most men, and qualified him to preside, in popular assemblies, with great dignity. Hancock was not supposed to be a man of great intellectual force by nature; and his early engagements in political life, and the scenes in which he was conversant, called for the exercise of his powers only in the public service. He was so placed as not to have had occasion to display the force of his mind, in that service, so as to enable those of the present day to judge of it, excepting in his communications to the legislature. There is one exception. He delivered an oration on the massacre of March 5, 1770. If history has any proper concern with the individual qualities of Hancock, it may be doubtful whether, in these respects, distant generations will know exactly what manner of man he was. But as a public man, this country is greatly indebted to him. He was most faithfully devoted to the cause of his country, and it is a high eulogy on his patriotism, that when the British government offered pardon to all the rebels, for all their offences, Hancock and one other (Samuel Adams) were the only persons to whom this grace was denied. LETTER V. FEB. 1, 1833. ONE who has been a careful observer of political events, for a course of years, well knows, that it is in these, as it is in private life, in this respect: sometimes seeming evil results in good; and seeming good, earnestly desired, and labored for, turns to evil. occurrences just mentioned. This may be shown in the doin's election, his defeat at the third election (1787), and Hancock's re-election, were respectively considered at the time, by the best informed men, as public misfortunes. But if Hancock had not resigned, the rebellion, probably, would not have been suppressed. The war would have extended to other states, and we might now have been in the like condition with that of the Spanish provinces in South America. If Hancock had not been elected in 1787, it is doubtful whether the federal constitution would have been adopted in this state; and if it had been rejected in Massachusetts, such was the respect in which this state was then held, it cannot be supposed that other states would have done differently from this. If the union of the states had not then been effected, it seems to have been admitted, that there was no hope of agreeing on any other mode of accomplishing this object; and none that the old confederation would long have held the states united. When Hancock succeeded Bowdoin, all the causes of the rebellion still continued. Taxes were exceedingly burthensome, and means for payment wholly inadequate. Commerce was conducted to great disadvantage, and mostly in British vessels. The importations were of articles which the sensible men of the day considered to be, in part unnecessary, and in part worse than useless; and not to be had without draining the country of specie. But in the course of this year the aspect of affairs changed in some degree; -and inspired hopes that difficulties might be surmounted. The fear of new commotions died away. The courts were no more impeded. Nine of the insurgents were tried, and condemned; some of them escaped from prison, some were pardoned; one only was punished by commuting the punishment of death to that of imprisonment to hard labor. No blood was shed by the civil authority. Public peace and confidence in the government being restored, the natural energy of New England men was turned to objects of industry. About this time, with a view to aid domestic manufactures, and to prevent importations, the state took an interest in establishing a duck manufactory in Boston, and a cotton manufactory in Beverly. For some reason, both these efforts proved abortive. The manufacture of pot and pearl ashes was much encouraged, and these became the most important article of export. In 1788, Governor Hancock was re-elected with somewhat more of opposition than in the preceding election. When the legislature assembled, he was too much indisposed to make the customary speech. He sent a written message, which is probably the first instance of a communication in that form, at the opening of a session. In this political year there are some things worth noticing. Hancock made a persuasive appeal to the legislature to provide by law for public schools, and for suitable instruction. Notwithstanding the general poverty and distress, laws were enacted, and carried into effect. Ability to establish the means of education, indispensable to a healthy state of society, and to the preservation of a republican government, are now abundant; but in proportion to the increase of this ability, solicitude to apply it profitably seems to have decreased. It is a just ground of complaint, that the interests of education, so far as they are confided to the care of the state, are not sufficiently regarded. In 1788, Benjamin Lincoln, who commanded the troops in the rebellion, was chosen lieutenant-governor. He had acquired the highest respect and esteem, not only on that occasion, but for his services in the revolutionary war. It. is not easy to assign the true cause for Hancock's treatment of Lincoln. At that time, Castle William, now Fort Independence, belonged to the state. The perquisites of the command at this place, were equal to an annual salary of one thousand dollars. The lieutenant-governor had always been appointed to this command, and had received no other |