they should be carried into effect. He failed, probably, in testing his own opinions by comparing them with the opinions of other men. Such comparison cannot depreciate sound opinions, and may often correct erroneous ones. It may be, that Mr. Adams had some tendency to be jealous of those around him, and disposed to apprehend that they meant to exercise a control, to which it would be derogatory to submit. But this apprehension would not prevent a dignified inquiry into the sentiments of others; nor an adherence to his own, if they remained unshaken. It may be too, that Mr. Adams over-valued his own services, and importance, as a public man; and was inclined to be his own counsellor with more pertinacity than became a person of his knowledge and actual experience. Whatever may have been his qualities, this is certain, that he aided the purposes of his political adversaries, and disconcerted some of his best political friends. It is very possible, therefore, that a more discreet man might have continued the federal party in power, for another term. But Mr. Jefferson and his partisans and newspapers, had made such and so general an impression on public opinion, as to demonstrate, that the original construction of constitutional power was not destined to endure. The control which a certain class of men, in this country, are likely ever to have over a majority, leads to the conclusion, that they will always impose on such men, as constituted the federal party, the duty of forming an opposition, or of submitting to a popular despotism. This, as history proves, again and again, is the precursor of real despotism. Such seems to have been man's destiny; and what there is, or may be, to exempt Americans from it, is not discerned from any experience hitherto had.

Taking out of the case Mr. Adams's peculiarities, the measures of his four years were honorable and useful to the country; incomparably more so (as will be proved) than those of the next eight years. If the purpose of establishing

a national constitution was to maintain the honor, dignity, and independence of the United States, with foreign powers; to preserve peace and security within our own limits; to provide for the pure and able administration of justice; and to use all the powers delegated as they were used the first eight years, that is, for the good of the whole, and not for the benefit of a party, the federal administration under Mr. Adams accomplished these purposes..

As to foreign powers; a good understanding was preserved with England. A favorable treaty was made with Tripoli. The former connexion with France was annulled, and provision made for defending the country, and for maintaining its rights by force. These efforts were successful; hostilities soon ceased, and a favorable convention, or treaty, was ef fected. The prosecution of the war was in a spirit well worthy of the national honor, while it continued.. The proper measures were adopted to preserve interior tranquillity; and to prevent the threatened dominion of deluded, or mischievous factions. A faithful performance of duty as to the promotion of all those objects which constitute domestic welfare, and prosperity, is apparent from the various statutes which were passed. Among others there was an act establishing a uniform system of bankruptcy, which the Jeffersonian administration permitted to expire. The naturalization of aliens was placed on a rational and safe basis. The judiciary was carefully revised, and a system for the administration of justice was arranged, founded on the experience of several years, and having a prospective bearing on the probable exigencies of the country. The navy was advanced and placed on a respectable footing; and has now become an object of popular favor. In short, a more energetic, pure, and patriotic exercise of constitutional power, could neither be expected nor desired.

But, this exercise of the power of government necessarily involved expense. It was necessary to resort to loans, and

to internal taxation. These were causes of declamation, and reproach; and were most faithfully availed of, to make the administration, and especially Mr. Adams, odious in popular estimation. Thus it appeared then, as it has done ever since, that the adroit and cunning who rule the multitude, may do what they will; and burthen the country to any extent, involve it in hopeless war, and pervert all its institutions at their pleasure, and yet, all is well. “The friends of the people" can do no wrong.

LETTER XXXI.

MAY 21, 1833.

ON the 14th of December, 1799, General Washington died, after a short illness. On Friday, the 13th, he had been exposed to a light rain; and his hair and neck became wet. He followed his usual occupations, within his house, during the afternoon and evening, without any indisposition. In the following night he was affected by a general ague, and with a difficulty in swallowing; but no apprehension was then entertained that he was seriously ill. At eleven the next day physicians attended, who found all their skill was required. The disorder in the throat was seen to be an affection of the wind-pipe, usually called the croup. Every effort was made to rescue him from the attack, and he patiently submitted to all the prescriptions of his attendants. Perceiving, before the close of the day, that his recovery was beyond hope, he desired to be relieved from any further ef forts, and to take his position on his bed. There, with perfect calmness and resignation, he remarked to a friend, that he had known for sometime, that he was dying, but that he was not afraid to die. At eleven o'clock, the same evening, he expired.

The decease of Washington was apparently a cause of universal mourning. That portion of the citizens who had always held him in the highest respect and honor, were sincerely mourners, while those who had felt his example, and influence, to be a restraint on their purposes, could join in the general grief with pleasure. The most respectful demonstrations of the national loss, were everywhere shown. The halls of Congress were hung with black, and General Henry Lee, of Virginia, was appointed to deliver a eulogy before the House of Representatives. The state legislatures expressed their respect for the conduct and character of Washington, by appointing orators to commemorate him, or by such other testimonials as the occasion called for. Various societies, of which Washington was a member, appointed eulogists. Fisher Ames and George R. Minot were among the orators in Boston. It is worth remarking, that the general sentiment of respect and affection for this eminent man, was so exalted, that few of the orators did, or could, come up to the demand. The feeling of these public speakers was, and must have been, that of deep veneration, a feeling not adapted to bring forth the touching expressions which would be grateful to a numerous audience. Washington's character was rather to be contemplated, then talked of. He was to be estimated by comparison with other men, and a eulogy does not permit of this. His eminent worth was to be found in no one brilliant act, nor in any remarkable achievements, but in a whole life of useful, dignified, and honorable service. Most of the eulogists were compelled to resort to biographical sketches, which do not admit of much eloquence. Even Mr. Ames did not succeed, in this effort, so well, as the undefined expectation of his audience required. The enthusiasm of the French better adapts oratory to funeral eulogy, than the good sense and sobriety of Englishmen, or Americans. Such efforts are rarely attempted in England, though common in France.

In Congress, a resolve was passed to raise a monument in the city of Washington, and application was made to Mrs. Washington for permission to deposit beneath it the remains of her husband. This lady assented. But the resolve itself, is the only monument hitherto raised; and the remains of Washington repose in the family tomb at Mount Vernon, and are there to remain, so far as can now be discerned. The more lengthened the remove from Washington's lifetime, the less, it is feared, will Washington be remembered. Probably a large proportion of the adult population of the United States hardly know, who or what he was; and there may be some voters who know not that there ever was such a man. The intelligent people of other countries seem to know more of Washington, and to respect his character more, than is common among his own countrymen. His military and civil example, and his eminent virtues as a man, have given him a rank in foreign estimation, which make mankind proud of him. If his own countrymen have forgotten him, or if certain selfstamped patriots so misunderstand his character, as to call themselves his disciples, it is grateful to know that the intelligent of other countries are better informed.

It might have been expected, that a grateful nation would have demanded of Congress, to adorn the city, that bears the name of Washington, with such a monument as would illustrate the sense of his merits. Since March 4, 1801, that assembly have had too much business of their own to attend to, to think much of that which is purely public, and free from party. Marshall has raised one monument by his able pen. Another is preparing through the indefatigable industry of Mr. Sparks. The latter is a judicious selection from the voluminous writings of Washington, designed to show the state of his own thoughts, in the most eventful and interesting periods of his life. Two volumes, the 2d and 3d, have appeared, and are understood to have satisfied the public