one of the worthiest of rulers our country had known. There was reason to expect that the party who had hoped nothing, but had feared everything from him, might have been unjustifiably prejudiced.

LETTER XXXIX.

JUNE 27, 1833.

Iy his inaugural speech, Mr. Jefferson soothed the serious apprehensions which were entertained, as to the manner in which he might exercise executive power. "Let us reflect,"

says he, "that having banished from our land that religious "intolerance under which mankind so long bled, and suf"fered, we have yet gained little, if we countenance an "intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter "and bloody persecutions." "Every difference of opinion "is not a difference of principle. We have called by dif "ferent names, brethren of the same principles. We are "all republicans, all federalists." "If there be any among us, who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change "its republican form, let them stand undisturbed, as monu"ments of the safety with which error of opinion may be "tolerated, when reason is left free to combat it." From these declarations there was good reason to hope, that Mr. Jefferson intended to be the President of the United States, and not the chief of an intolerant and vindictive party. Afflicted as the federalists may have been, at seeing the executive power pass into his hands, they would have cheerfully sustained him, in the exercise of it, if that exercise of power had been even in conformity with his own declarations. On the contrary, Mr. Jefferson did all he could to subvert every measure which the federal party had adopted, and to obliterate every trace of their administration.

Whatever may be thought of the personal deportment of the two first Presidents, as essential to the maintenance and dignity of their stations, and to secure themselves from interruptions, and from the loss of time necessary in the discharge of public duties, it could not be agreeable to the nation, to see the abolition of all official dignity. This it was Mr. Jefferson's pleasure to do. He had no appropriate hours for visiting. He was accessible by any one, almost at any hour, and descended, at once, to the lowest level. To this example may be traced the scenes which are noticed at this day, in the abode of the President, and which mortify our own community, and furnish a subject of ridicule to European travellers.

The first contrast between Mr. Jefferson's inaugural declarations, and his intended acts, occurred early in 1801. Elizur Goodrich had been appointed collector of New Haven, by Mr. Adams. In June he was removed, without any suggestion of incompetency, as to talents or integrity, and a partisan, by the name of Samuel Bishop, was appointed. This drew, from the merchants, and most respectable men of that city, a calm remonstrance, in which they assert Goodrich's promptness, integrity, and ability; and add, that these were qualities not to be found in Bishop. They also assert, that Bishop was nearly seventy-eight years of age, and so infirm as scarcely to be able to write his own name; that he was unacquainted with revenue laws, or mercantile business, or even with the most simple forms of accounting. To this remonstrance Mr. Jefferson made an answer, on the 12th of July, in which he says, among other things: "Declarations by myself, in favor of political "tolerance, exhortations to harmony and affection in social "intercourse, and respect for the equal rights of the minority, "have, on certain occasions, been quoted and misconstrued "into assurances, that the tenure of offices was not to be "disturbed. But could candor apply such a construction?”

It was thus manifested what Mr. Jefferson's construction of assurances would be, and what his acts would be, throughout his administration.

That which the people of the United States ought to regard with abhorrence, in a President, is the implied invitation thus given by Mr. Jefferson, to all political adversaries, to abandon their creeds and adopt his own; and the clearly implied promise of reward for apostacy. This was a wellknown mode of strengthening party, long before there were white Americans. Mr. Jefferson has the distinction of having introduced it into our republic. He carried it to its full extent, officially, and privately. In no nation, no, not. even in Rome, in its most corrupt days, has this demoralizing seduction been more effective than in our own land, since Mr. Jefferson became President.

Opinions, long entertained, as to men and measures, and as to creeds in religion, are sometimes, honestly and honorably abandoned, and opposite ones adopted. But a change cannot be honest or honorable, where there is no new fact, nor any reason for viewing facts, before admitted, in any new light. Surely no change can be so, where the sudden convert realizes benefits, not to be had without apostacy.

The distinction between parties was so marked in Mr. Jefferson's time, that there could be no half-way change. The convert could do nothing short of what is done by a deserter from an army. Those who went over to Jeffersonism, had the only merit of being ashamed of their desertion. To cover this, and to prove their sincerity, they resorted to the bitterest condemnation of their former principles and associates. The most malignant libellers of federal men, and of federal measures, were those who had been federalists themselves. Sustained by the salaries of office, and raised by titles above those they had deserted, they could clearly see how base, plotting, and traitorous some of their fellow citizens were, with whom, but yesterday, they were

proud to rank, and most zealous to defend. Trace such men through to the end, and how has it fared with them? By adroit and timely desertions, they may have found for a while, office and emolument. But, how is it with them, when they come to the searching question, What do my fellow men think of me? A Cæsar, an Augustus, a Napoleon, cannot evade this question. The long list of dishonest deserters which could be furnished, would show, that few, in the revolutionary action of party, secured the good they sought; and that all of them planted a thorn in conscience, which never withers, nor ceases to prick. This was one of the practical uses of Mr. Jefferson's "exhortation to har66 mony, and affection in social intercourse."

There were instances of departure from the federal side, distinguishable from such as have been mentioned, and which did not deserve reproach. There were timid men who did not entirely approve of federal views of the national policy; others, who thought themselves not to have been sufficiently valued and respected, by their federal associates; and some who were by nature and inclination Jeffersonians, and who originally mistook their side and very properly went over where they belonged. When one leaves the true line, circumstances force him further and further from it, and he must go over to the adversary, finally, as there is no intermediate tenure. But in all cases of such change of opinion, there seems to have been a feeling, not unlike that in political changes, at the present day. One who goes over from the opposition, to the Jackson ranks, feels that he has a defence to make; while one who abandons Jacksonism holds his head up, and feels that he has done an act for which he may respect himself. Thus in politics, as in morals, there is a sense of right and wrong, which men are alive to, whether they admit its influence or not. There are few Jackson men in the United States, (who can pretend to good sense, and sound principle,) who do not feel a degree of shame that they are such.

It is the disease of republics, that they give life and action to craving, knavish pretenders to integrity and patriotism. They are the humble servants of any power that has anything to bestow. They are incompetent to gaining their daily bread in any of the industrious orders of social life; and must, therefore, be where they can catch the droppings. of the treasury. Political chevaliers d'industrie, they are ready to profess, and to do, anything that promises gain and power. But, such patriots must keep careful reckonings, and make accurate observations. They change their course once too soon or too late, and blunder; and then all eyes are turned to the course which they have run. The wreck that follows, has no one's sympathy or compassion. They learn, too late, that honesty is the best policy no less in political, than in common affairs. There is rarely a Talleyrand among them. There is one hope for such men; that is if the republic can be converted into despotism, while they happen to be in favor, they may acquire a stability of position in supporting a tyranny, which will support them.

Mr. Jefferson's followers have already made some improvements on his theories. They have advanced now to the point, that the President, no, the man, who has been imposed upon the nation to hold that office, is "The Government." The laws, Congress, the judiciary, the constitution, are all nothing; the MAN is everything. How far are we from a political Augustan age?

From the 4th of March, 1801, to the 7th of December, when Congress met, Mr. Jefferson had ample time to consider and determine, in what manner he would carry his will into effect, so far as legislative aid was thereto indispensable. He lost no time in disclosing, though with his accustomed plausibility, that all the fears which his opponents had entertained as to his policy, foreign and domestic, were to become realities; and that all his dreaded purposes were to be enforced, in the full vigor of official power.