compensation than these perquisites. Hancock did not give this command to Lincoln. The reason for not doing so, whatever it may have been, was not disclosed; and there was no reason apparent to the public. It can be accounted for only by knowing what opinions and feelings Hancock could entertain, and how pertinaciously he could adhere to them. The legislature interposed, and requested to know why Lincoln was not appointed to the command of the castle. Hancock evaded the inquiry, and intimated, that he was himself the proper judge of the time, when the appointment was to be made. The legislature provided a salary, and the appointment was not made. This conduct materially affected Hancock's popularity, but not to the extent of defeating his election, in the ensuing year. Something may be inferred of the true character of Hancock from this transaction; for no man could be more deserving of confidence and respect in public, and in private, than Lincoln. Hancock's motives can only be conjectured.

In 1789, President Washington visited the eastern states. He travelled in a post-chaise with four horses; he was accompanied by Major Jackson, official secretary, and by Tobias Lear, his private secretary; and attended by his famous man Billy, who makes a conspicuous figure in the forged letters, which Washington repudiated, by a solemn denial, filed in the office of secretary of state, on his retirement from public life. From some mismanagement at the line, between Boston and Roxbury, Washington was detained there nearly two hours; and exposed to a raw northeast wind, by which exposure he was visited by a severe cold. Many other persons were exposed and affected in like manner, and the affection became so general as to be called the Washington influenza. He came in on horseback, dressed in his old continental uniform, with his hat off. He did not bow to the spectators as he passed, but sat on his horse with a calm, dignified air. He dismounted at the Old State

House, now City Hall, and came out on a temporary balcony at the west end; a long procession passed before him, whose salutations he occasionally returned. A triumphal arch was erected across the street at that place, and a choir of singers were stationed there. When Washington came within hearing, he was saluted by the clear, powerful voice of Daniel Rea, who began the ode prepared for the occasion.

Hancock, with some feeling of state rights, had taken the position that, as the representative of sovereignty in his own dominion, he was to be visited first, even by the President; who, on Hancock's own ground, is the representative of sovereignty of all the states, wheresoever he may be within their limits. The President was made to understand that Hancock expected the first visit. This was not deemed proper by the President. A negotiation ensued, and there were some written communications. It ended in a refusal on the part of the President to see Hancock, unless at his own place of abode, which was at the house at the corner of Court and Tremont Streets. The delay was afterwards imputed to Hancock's personal debility. On the third or fourth day, Hancock went in his coach, enveloped in red baize, to Washington's lodgings, and was borne in the arms of servants into the house.

The President remained here about a week, and partook of a public dinner, dined with the governor, and attended an oratorio in King's Chapel, on which occasion he was dressed in black. On his departure for Portsmouth, he showed his regard for punctuality. He gave notice that he should depart at eight o'clock in the morning. He left the door at the moment. The escort not being ready, he went without them; they followed and overtook him on the way.

LETTER VI.

FEB. 4, 1833.

IN 1774, on the suggestion of Massachusetts, a congress of delegates assembled at Philadelphia. This assembly conducted the affairs of the United States during the war until the year 1781. It was commonly called "The Congress." It was one body, and exercised legislative and executive power; and acted in the name of the states, in the negotiations with all foreign powers. In 1781, the several states adopted articles of confederation, intended to vest such powers in The Congress as were then deemed necessary; but they amounted to no more than power to recommend to the several states, the adoption of such measures as the common defence and prosecution of the war required.*

When the pressure of the war ceased, it was found that the powers given by the articles of confederation made Congress entirely dependent on the states. Congress could demand of the states whatsoever was necessary for the performance of its contracts made in the course of the revolution. But the states might comply or not; and if they did not, Congress had no power of coercion. If money was wanted, Congress apportioned the sum among the states, according to population and property. The states had then to assess on their respective inhabitants the amount demanded. When the danger from the presence of the

*It is not intended to do more than make a mere outline of historical events. Those who desire accurate information are referred to the first volume of the truly excellent work of Judge STORY, entitled, "Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States." All the works which relate to this interesting period are there referred to; and his countrymen are indebted to him for an historical compilation which leaves nothing to be desired.

One was

enemy had ceased, the states judged for themselves whether they could, and would, comply with the demand. The states began, also, to exercise acts of sovereignty among themselves, and over such acts Congress had no control. They could not regulate commerce between the states, nor between them individually or collectively, and foreign countries. They could not derive a revenue from importations. In short, they could recommend, and this was the extent of their power. The disturbances, and consequent insurrection and rebellion in Massachusetts alarmed all the states. General Washington wrote to a friend, that if such was to be the end of the revolution, it would have been far better to have saved the lives and the money which it cost. Several propositions were made to hold conventions to consider the proper measures to be adopted. held at Annapolis, in Maryland, in September, 1786, but only five states were represented. These movements led to the convention which began in Philadelphia in May, 1787, at which all the states were represented, except Rhode Island. From this convention came the present constitution, after a long and laborious discussion, in the course of which the convention was frequently on the point of breaking up, hopeless of accomplishing any thing. This constitution was submitted to Congress, and by Congress to the states, with a recommendation that delegates from the people should meet and consider it. Hancock submitted this constitution to the legislature of Massachusetts in November, 1787, and a convention assembled in Boston on the 9th of January following, consisting of three hundred and fifty-five members.

The ablest men in the state were of this assembly. They commenced their session in the Old State House, and soon adjourned to a meeting-house, where the Rev. Dr. Channing's meeting-house now stands, whence that street has its name. John Hancock was chosen president; William

Cushing, then chief justice, vice president; George Richards Minot, author of the History of the Insurrection, and of a Continuation of the History of Massachusetts, was secretary. An intense interest was taken in the proceedings of this respectable assembly. It was believed that, if the constitution was rejected by them, there could be no hope of having it adopted by the requisite number of states. There is no doubt that, if the question had been taken without discussion, there would have been a large majority against the adoption. Each member would have voted on his own objections, and there were some objections in almost every mind. The constitution had been thoroughly discussed, in the most able manner, in newspapers in different parts of the states, before the convention met. These commentaries had been generally read. At the head of all of them are the numbers entitled "The Federalist," which were the joint work of Jay, Hamilton, and Madison, but principally of Hamilton. This work is held to be a high authority at the present day, as explanatory of the constitution. The theory and practice of mankind in government, from the earliest ages, were open to discussion as illustrative of the serious measure proposed to the American people; and it could not be otherwise than that the ablest men in the country should have been enlisted on the one side and the other. No one who did not live at that time, with capacity to comprehend the operation of hopes, fears, jealousies, doubts, and perplexities, can conceive of the sober and absorbing interest which was then experienced in this community. This interest was more deeply felt in Massachusetts than in any other state, in consequence of the recent rebellion; and from this cause the zeal, both of advocates and opponents, may have been the more ardent. There are few, if any, men now living who were members of this convention. Some of them held eminent stations in public life in after times. There are not many now living who knew them