wards, Louisiana should be ceded to France. Of course the title was to be made. 2. The boundaries of Louisiana were left undefined, furnishing thereby a cause of future contentions. 3. The promise of a title was fraudulently obtained from Spain, by the ministry of Godoy, whose acts Spain might, at some future day, disavow. 4. The French subjects of Louisiana could, and would, probably, have made any treatment of them by the United States, a sufficient claim to the interposition of Bonaparte to protect them. 5. The patronage acquired by the President, over this territory, was little short of a royal authority. 6. There was a provision, that the inhabitants of Louisiana should be citizens of the United States. It would have required an amendment of the constitution to make them such, which amendment was never made, nor proposed. 7. Louisiana was then, not in possession of France, but of Spain; and the treaty of purchase itself provides, that a French commissioner should go out to receive possession, from the Spanish officers, and make a delivery to the United States. These (and many more objections might be stated) were very sufficient grounds to the opposition, to say nothing of the price, alleged bribery, and hurry of the transaction. At the time of signing the treaty, it was well known that war between France and England was inevitable, that the bargain must be forthwith made, or that the opportunity of favoring France would be lost. Within twenty days hostilities were renewed.

This diplomatic operation has proved to be far more advantageous to the United States, than there was any ground even to hope for, thirty years ago. The fears, then entertained, have disappeared in the changes which have occurred in the power, and in the probable designs, both of France and Spain, in relation to this country. And also, that whatever Mr. Jefferson's motives may have been, and however assuming, to make this purchase, it was certainly better to have made it, and in whole, than to have had either a

Spanish or French colony, on the banks of the Mississippi. Thus, Mr. Jefferson was so fortunate as to find, that an act which would have called for an impeachment under some circumstances, is now regarded as the most meritorious of his public life. It will be seen, hereafter, how well founded the apprehensions of Mr. Jefferson's opponents were. With respect to the sum, (fifteen millions,) it was probably thrice as much as needed to have been given; because Bonaparte knew, at the time of the purchase, that on renewal of the war, the whole country of Louisiania would be taken possession of by the British; and would consequently be lost both to France and Spain.

Mr. Jefferson's merits in this purchase, are not to be estimated by the subsequent turn of affairs in Europe, as to France and Spain, which no one foresaw, or imagined; and least of all men should Mr. Jefferson applaud himself, since he wished and believed, that Bonaparte would subdue England, instead of being subdued and exiled himself. If Mr. Jefferson's ardent wishes had been realized, the people of the United States would have regretted the expenditure of their millions, which would have become necessary in defence against the power to whom they were given. In fact, this brilliant achievement was a humiliating, degrading policy in itself, and should be the least of all Mr. Jefferson's claims to an honorable fame, notwithstanding it has proved, so far as can now be discerned, a useful measure, excepting in the amount which it cost.

LETTER XLIV.

SEPTEMBER 7, 1833.

AMONG the best legislative acts of John Adams's presidency, was the law for regulating the admission of aliens to citizenship. Is it not enough that this country opens its

ports to all men, wheresoever born, and howsoever educated; and whether educated or not and secures to them protection of person and property? Is it right and just, relatively to our own citizens, to confer on aliens, an equal share in the sovereignty, after a short residence, whether such aliens. do, or do not know, anything of the institutions of this country? Whether Mr. Jefferson considered the restrictive provisions of the recent law, inexpedient in themselves; or whether he included that law in his general condemnation of all federal measures, merely because they were such, is doubtful. If the former, his policy was erroneous; if the latter, it was only characteristic. No country but the United States ever adopted (it is believed) such a policy. Its operation in some of the maritime cities is felt to be a serious evil, whatever it may be in the new states. Even the latter have derived no benefit from it, compared with its disadvantages. Impolitic as it may be, it is one of the evils which Mr. Jefferson has sanctioned; and there is little hope now, that it will ever be removed, by returning to the wise provisions of the law of which Mr. Jefferson recommended the repeal. As the law is now construed, any alien who makes a previous declaration, of two years' standing, in certain courts, of intention to become a citizen, may become such, with some ceremonies easily accomplished.

In proposing the repeal of the naturalization law, as it had been recently amended, as a federal measure, Mr. Jefferson in his message of December, 1802, uses these words:

"I cannot omit recommending a revisal of the laws on "the subject of naturalization. Considering the ordinary ❝ chances of human life, a denial of citizenship under a resi"dence of fourteen years, is a denial to a great proportion "of those who ask for it; and controls a policy pursued from "their first settlement, by many of these states, and still be"lieved of consequence to their posterity. And shall we "refuse to the unhappy fugitives from distress, that hospi

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tality which the savages of the wilderness extended to our "fathers, arriving in this land? Shall oppressed humanity "find no asylum on this globe? The constitution, indeed, "has wisely provided that, for admission to certain offices of "important trust, a residence shall be required sufficient to develope character and design. But might not the general "character and capabilities of a citizen be safely communi"cated to every one manifesting a bonâ fide purpose of embarking his life and fortunes permanently with us? With restrictions, perhaps, to guard against the fraudulent usurpation of our flag; an abuse which brings so much "embarrassment and loss on the genuine citizen, and so "much danger to the nation of being involved in war, that no endeavor should be spared to detect and suppress it." This is a genuine Jeffersonian paragraph. Is it to be most admired for its clearness in communicating the writer's thoughts; for its elegance of expression; for its sound policy; for its paternal care of the American flag; or for its wise precaution in keeping the nation from war, to protect aliens? Every benefit that Mr. Jefferson desired for aliens, they had, as the law was when this message was sent, except the right of voting, and of holding real estate. Alienage is not a bar to purchasing, and holding, and alienating real estate; though it is to transmitting it to heirs. In some states, aliens may hold real property for all purposes for which a native citizen may hold it. Mr. Jefferson must have desired, therefore, principally to vest in them the right of suffrage, which is a very interesting point to native citizens, considering the great number of foreigners "arriving in this land." There have been some arguments against such a policy; and among others, these:

"It is for the happiness of those united in society, to har"monize, as much as possible, in matters which they must "of necessity transact together. Civil government being "for the sole object of forming societies, its administration

Every species

"must be conducted by common consent. "of government has its specific principles. Ours are more "peculiar, perhaps, than those of any other in the universe. "It is a composition of the freest principles of the English

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constitution, with others derived from natural right, and "natural reason. To these, nothing can be more opposed "than the maxims of absolute monarchies. Yet from such, we are to expect the greatest number of emigrants. They "will bring with them the principles of the government they "leave, imbibed in their early youth; or, if able to throw "them off, it will be in exchange for an unbounded licen"tiousness, passing, as is usual, from one extreme to another. "It would be a miracle were they to stop precisely at the "point of temperate liberty. In proportion to their num "bers, they will share with us the legislation. Suppose twenty millions of republican Americans thrown all of a "sudden into France, what would be the condition of that kingdom? If it would be more turbulent, less happy, less strong, we may believe that the addition of half a million "of foreigners to our present numbers, would produce a "similar effect here."

This is Mr. Jefferson's own argument, taken from his "Notes on Virginia," pages 125, 126. Probably it was enough to change his views, that the recent naturalization. law had been made by federalists. If not, sufficient reasons may be found in the policy, disclosed in his administration, with respect to England; and plainly discernible in his message on naturalization.