England had resisted this terrible aggrandizement. She had her thousand ships and had made herself the mistress of the seas. Her maritime force had no enemy to contend with; she had driven every thing, that dared to show a hostile flag, from the ocean; excepting that sometimes a French squadron would steal a flight along the waves, to shun English ships, and burn those of Americans.

It was under such circumstances, that Mr. Madison chose, for this commercial nation, England for an enemy, and Napoleon for an ally! As the federalists dared to denounce this abominable policy, they were, in fact, included, though not expressly named, in his manifesto of war.

LETTER LXII.

JANUARY 7, 1834.

Ir is remarkable that on the 24th day of June, 1812, hostilities commenced between Napoleon and Russia, and that on the 18th of the same month, war was declared by the United States against England. During the spring of that year, Napoleon had been preparing for this war, because Russia did not interdict the merchandise of Great Britain. Having assembled his forces, he departed on the 9th of May, from his palace of St. Cloud, to prosecute his enterprise. It is also remarkable, that no change had occurred, in the negotiations with England, which should have induced a declaration of war, in the month of June, 1812, rather than at any other time, within several preceding months. It was said, and believed, that the embargo was known in France, to be an intended measure, while it was not suspected in the United States; and it is certain, that war was known in France, to be determined on, although no rational man in the United States supposed that the

administration would have the hardihood to propose it. Was there, or not, a secret understanding or agreement, between the French, and American governments, that as soon as France was ready to attack the only power in Europe, which had not bound itself to maintain the “continental system," that the United States should declare war against England? Notwithstanding Mr. Madison assigned the old causes for the war, he lies under the very serious imputation of having had other causes at heart; nothing short of having unnecessarily, and wantonly engaged his own country in war, for the mere purpose of aiding Napoleon to prostrate his enemy. However this matter may have been guarded from the perception of his fellow citizens, if the fact was so, Mr. Madison's integrity and fidelity will be severely tried by impartial history. In truth, there was nothing to gain by war, which negotiation would not have gained; and the treaty of peace settled no one of the controverted points.

The first event after the declaration of war, that attracted the public attention, was the address of the minority of the House of Representatives. A more rational, interesting, and dignified paper, has not appeared since the institution of the government. In manner, it is much superior to the Declaration of Independence. As this paper sets forth the

state of the country at that time, the course adopted to obtain the presence, and purposes of the war; as it is an insulated paper and not easily to be found; and as it is due to its writer, and signers, that it should be kept in memory, it is transcribed, and placed in the Appendix.

The declaration of war, though feared, was so serious and shocking to a large portion of the community, that it could only be likened to the distressing certainty of affliction, to surrounding relatives, when death has thrown his dart at some lingering victim. While life remains, there is still some vague and undefined hope; - and while war was not

declared, there was yet a sentiment, that a calamity so unnecessary, so oppressive, and so ruinous, would not be forced upon the country.

It should be remembered, that the seaboard had not been fortified; the navy had not been augmented; the army had not yet been increased; nothing had been done to fill the treasury the whole country was on a peace establishment. Within the first month of the war, an unconstitutional demand was made on the governors of Massachusetts and Connecticut for militia, even before the news of this astonishing measure could have reached the British Isles, and three months before there was the slightest probability, that the United States could be invaded. This demand proved to be in prosecution of the design to invade and conquer Canada, with militia! If every subject, and soldier in Canada, had been willing that the militia should take quiet possession of that country, what good would this have done to the people of the United States? During this profitless conflict, the attempt at conquest was continued, but without advancing a dozen miles into that territory, at any time; while, on the other hand, the British became invaders; but, as should be, were driven within their own lines, on this frontier.

The military and naval character of the war, it is not the present purpose to describe. All this went on like other wars, with the exception, that it soon became defensive on our part. Mr. Madison's ally, Napoleon, found a more powerful and determined enemy than he expected; and another enemy, little expected, and not at all provided for, even by this far-sighted chief. Every body knows that the burning of Moscow, and the bitterness of the winter, annihilated the hosts of the Emperor, and that he hurried home to repair his disasters, but found his way to Elba. The fall of Napoleon, was also the fall of Mr. Madison. The peace of Europe, in the spring of 1814, left England at leisure to

attend to the enemy who had sought to overwhelm her in her deepest distress. The war had assumed a ferocious character, little creditable to either of the parties, according to the rules of modern warfare. The burning of public buildings, and of private dwellings, is unworthy of modern military strife. These are matters within every one's reach, who does not, but desires to know them. The purpose now in view is, to notice the character of the times, which history will not notice.

If any one desires to see the best vindication, which appeared, of the conduct of the administration, in the war, he will find it in an elaborate production, entitled “An Exposition of the Causes and Character of the late War." This was dated February 10, 1815, and was attributed to Mr. Dallas, then Secretary of the Treasury.

Independently of the vassalage of party, a small proportion of the citizens of New England approved of the war. Public opinion soon began to manifest itself in popular meetings. Resolutions were passed, expressing, in decided terms, the feelings of a free, intelligent, and indignant people. Conventions were held in the different counties, not by any concert, but spontaneously. That at Northampton, at which fifty-six towns were represented, attracted particular attention. A preamble and resolutions were there adopted, prepared with great ability, and genuine patriotic spirit. In the county of Worcester a convention was held, in like spirit, and remarkable for a pointed paraphrase of the declaration of independence.

On the 15th of July, a great meeting was held at Faneuil Hall, and resolutions were then adopted, well worthy of the place, and of the occasion. Among others who were heard at this time, was DANIEL SARGENT, a distinguished merchant; who disclosed the fatal consequences to commercial interests, and to all classes who are connected with, and dependent on them. JOSIAH QUINCY, just then returned from Congress, made known to his auditors, with his accus

tomed fervor and eloquence, the scenes which he had witnessed, and the true character and designs of the administration. He was followed by HARRISON GRAY OTIS, then in the full vigor of manhood, as to whom, with all the abatement which should be made for the high excitement of the times, this description of his feelings, and expressions. (as published then) is not too highly colored.

"It is unnecessary to say more, than that he renewed, "with his pathetic, and glowing eloquence, that enthusiasm "which has been so often excited in the breasts of his fellow "citizens, by his patriotic and masterly speeches: orations "they should be called; for, like Demosthenes, rousing the "Athenians to watchfulness against Philip, his addresses "have awakened the citizens of Boston to a virtuous jealousy of the intrigues of France, and of those who are "cooperating with her ruler, to destroy the liberties, and "happiness of mankind."

Such reception of the war in New England, was highly exasperating to Mr. Madison and to his political party. To his mind, incapable of perception but through the medium. . of party, it was conclusive evidence, that the land of the pilgrims was sold to the enemy; and that the war was as necessary against its inhabitants, as against the government, fleets, and armies of Great Britain. But the descendants of the pilgrims had sold neither their land, their opinions, nor their consciences. How it is now, in some portion of the New England States, is not so certain. It may be that the press, the post-offices, and "the standing army of forty thousand," 11* may have deluded some of our fellow citizens;

* In a speech in the Senate, Mr. Clay estimated the number of devoted partisans in office, in the United States, and who, from the mere tenure of office, are pledged to sustain "the government," (as President Jackson calls himself,) in all it has done, is doing, means to do, or can do, at "forty thousand." He properly calls them a standing army, since they command more opinions and votes, than forty thousand bayonets could do.