gesticulation, excepting occasionally his right arm was extended. But it was much otherwise when his case called for strong and impassioned expression, and when he was excited himself. He was capable of the strongest excitement, and sometimes rose to tremendous eloquence. Some instances are well remembered, where his own feelings were strongly interested, and then, his mighty mind came forth in words, in tones, and manner, that can be best comprehended by referring to that all-absorbing interest which is sometimes felt, in highly wrought scenes of the drama. Mr. Pinckney is said to have prepared his pathos. But these great efforts of Mr. Dexter could not have been prepared. They were the eloquence of the moment; and may have been as unexpected to himself, as to his audience. Like Garrick, he may have been surprised by the unintended excelling of himself.

It is not possible to point out his greatest argument. That which was considered to be one of the ablest he ever made was on the unconstitutionality of the embargo laws. This was delivered in the District Court of the United States. There was no reporter. The argument was lost except for the occasion. It is much to be regretted, that this exposition of constitutional law, from Mr. Dexter, has not been preserved. It is believed, that no product of his mind, but official papers, professional arguments, and congressional speeches, (from the hands of reporters,) has been preserved, excepting his eulogy on Ames. Mr. Dexter was a deep thinker; and theology was one of the subjects which engaged his attention. He was a Christian; and it was intimated, in his lifetime, that he intended a publication of his views; and had begun to write. But since his decease, it is understood, that he left nothing sufficiently prepared for the press.

He took an earnest part in the suppression of intemperance, and was one of the first, if not the first distinguished man, who thought it practicable. He was the first president of the first temperance society formed in Massachusetts,

about the year 1813.* He had consented to deliver the first address, but was unable to do so, in consequence of being detained at Washington.

Mr. Dexter was nearly six feet in stature, of well proportioned, muscular frame. His hair was black, loose, unpowdered; and worn rather long; it came lightly over his high, expansive forehead. His face was long, his complexion dark, his eyes large, and light blue. There are men whose expression of face indicates that they are mostly engaged with what is passing without them, while others show that they are occupied with what is passing within them. Mr. Dexter was of the latter description; though he could observe keenly, when it was interesting to him to do so. His common and usual manner was a dignified and formal reserve, that of one who is conscious of intellectual superiority. His personal presence indicated, that he was not a man with whom liberties could be taken, or to whom familiarity could be offered. Yet in private intercourse, and when he felt himself unrestrained, he was an agreeable and instructive associate; but he did not take much interest in what is called " company," and spent but little time in that way. Instances, however, are remembered, in which he gave full scope to social sympathies. to social sympathies. He was a parishioner of the celebrated and lamented Buckminster, (who died June, 1812.) The distinguished men of the parish visited Mr. Buckminster on the evening of Sunday. (The same practice was observed in the time of his predecessor, Dr. Thacher, and of his predecessor, Dr. Cooper.) In these social interviews Mr. Dexter received, as well as imparted, pleasure. It is believed, that he was not of that class of men who need, or who desire, intimacies; but was of the privileged few who can always be companions to themselves. Whether this course is, on the whole, the best, each one must judge for himself.

*This is supposed to have been the first Temperance Society ever formed,

During Mr. Madison's war, Mr. Dexter separated from his federal friends; a circumstance which they exceedingly regretted. It is not known, that the true causes of this separation have been explained. The separation continued to the close of his life.

LETTER LXXIV.

MARCH 9, 1834.

THERE are yet among the living, some men whom Mr. Jefferson included in his general denunciation, and who held a conspicuous rank in the first fifteen years of this century. It would be a grateful pleasure to speak of them as men, and as citizens. This would lead to a long enumeration; too long, for the present purpose. It cannot be disrespectful to others to mention some, who deserved well of their country, in the greatest perils, and but little less serious than those experienced in the revolution. Party men they were, because none but party men could live in the days of Jefferson and Madison. But this they may say, of themselves and their associates, and as the last act to be done on this side the grave, that they ever acted from purest motives; that their country had no just cause to complain that they did act, but, on the contrary, should be ever grateful to them, for their resistance of ill-advised and dangerous measures.

Harrison Gray Otis was too young to have taken a part in the revolution; but not to bear arms, when the insurrection of 1786-7 required the services of all good citizens. He was too young to have been a member of the convention, which adopted the constitution; but in 1800, he was in Congress, an opponent of Jeffersonism; and was among the embarrassed number, who had to choose between Jefferson

and Burr. From that time, to the close of Mr. Madison's war, Mr. Otis was constantly in Congress, or in one or the other of the legislative branches of the state; and for many years, at the head of one, or the other. He was the orator of all popular assemblies; the guide of popular opinion in all the trying scenes of commercial restrictions, embargo, and war. With a fine person, and commanding eloquence, with a clear perception, and patriotic purpose, he was the first among his equals, alike ready, at all times, with his pen and his tongue. What motive could this gentleman have had, to effect such purposes as Mr. Jefferson charged upon him and his associates? Disunion? He and all rational men knew then, as they now know, that the moment the union is broken, discord, anarchy, civil war, and despotism must come. They knew then, as now, that a "northern confederacy" could be effected only by force; and if to be effected even by consent, what hope of peace and prosperity could there be within its limits; or security from the hostile dispositions of those beyond them! It is hardly credible, that even such men as Jefferson, and Madison, deluded as they were, could have so underrated the intelligence of northern men, as to have imputed to them such designs. If they knew that those imputations were false and groundless, there is no apology for having made them, but this party, disorganizing, demoralizing, tyrannical party, holds all means to be lawful, which can accomplish its purpose.

There is one man, whose name does not appear in conventions, nor much in the legislative or popular assemblies, but who had, when in these, as at the bar, a fervent and commanding eloquence. But especially, he had a powerful influence on public opinion, through the press. The discussions of public measures, during these fifteen years, by John Lowell, were published, without his name, in pamph

*Son of Judge Lowell.

lets. It is improbable, that distant generations will know (if efforts to preserve civil liberty shall be worth their notice, or if they are in condition to understand its worth,) how much they are indebted to Mr. Lowell. He fearlessly opposed, in masterly reasonings, the disastrous and unprincipled policy of these fifteen years. His style and manner were clear, cogent, and convincing. His works were universally read, and were invaluable, in correcting and enlightening public opinion. His "Madison's War," one of the most elaborate of his works, was so independent of all personal consequences which might arise, (from the performance of what he held to be his duty, as a true patriotic citizen in developing the character of national administration,) that his friends were inclined to dissuade him from publishing. This country is under the greatest obligation to him, for his manly perseverance. All the evils which he prophesied, were realized, short of absolute despotism; and that this was not, is to be ascribed only, to the better perceptions of the community of impending perils, in effecting which, he labored with eminent success.*

Josiah Quincy was in Congress, from 1805 to 1813, and therefore present at the creating of commercial restrictions, embargo, and war. He was a fearless and eloquent oppo

* It is believed that the following pamphlets were written by Mr. Lowell, though none of them bear his name:

1. Madison's War. 2. The Boston Rebel. 3. The Road to Peace, Commerce, Wealth, and Happiness. 4. An Appeal to the People on the Causes and Consequences of a War with Great Britain. 5. Perpetual War, the Policy of Mr. Madison. 6. Diplomatic Policy of Mr. Madison unveiled. 7. Analysis of the Correspondence between our Administration and Great Britain and France. 8. An Essay on the Rights and Duties of Nations relative to Fugitives from Justice, considered with reference to the affair of the Chesapeake. These productions were republished in the several states, were applauded by all discerning and honest men; and obtained for their author, distinguished fame.