head. Such results were foreseen at the commencement, and faithfully considered in the FEDERALIST.

not.

At the beginning of this government, there were causes of party bitterness, which have long since disappeared. Besides the jealousy as to state rights, and the necessity of effective national administration, there were the embarrassments arising out of the measures which Congress, and the states, respectively adopted, during the war; the claims on the government; and the delicate and difficult initiation of the exercise of its powers. There existed, also, a vindictive and, perhaps, justifiable feeling against Great Britain, and a natural partiality for France, whether justifiable or The destruction of the French monarchy soon followed; and the seeming of republican freedom began in that country. War ensued between England and France. French politics, enthusiasm, and power, sought dominion in this country. The Americans who opposed this, were considered as devoted to England. Thus the war of Europe actually raged in this country to the full extent, excepting that no blood flowed. Then came the whiskey insurrection of Pennsylvania. Amidst all these difficulties, the national government would probably have perished in its infancy, if it had not been for the wisdom and firmness of Washington.

The respect, confidence, and affection universally entertained for this eminent man, were fully manifested in his journey from Mount Vernon to New York to assume his office. He arrived in April, 1789, wearing, it is said, a suit of domestic manufacture. The members of Congress whom he met there, were, in part, distinguished men, who had assisted in framing the constitution, and who had taken a conspicuous rank in the conventions in which it was discussed. The Vice President, Mr. Adams, who had been in Europe during most of the war, and who had recently returned, had taken his place at the head of the senate. There

were in both branches some members who had been oppos ed to the constitution. Among the federal members, who may be hereafter described, were Caleb Strong, George Cabot, Robert Morris, Theodore Sedgwick, James Madison, Egbert Benson, William Smith, Elias Boudinot. Mr. Ames has already been mentioned as being of this Congress. It is said that the executive officers began their official life, with more parade and ostentation than was thought becoming; and that Mr. Adams walked the streets with his hat under his arm, wearing a sword. Possibly this may have been so, because it was said, and believed in Richmond, in 1796, that Mr. Adams was always preceded by four men bearing drawn swords; which is no very extraordinary amplification, if there were any thing to rest upon. Washington's forms and ceremonies were complained of as amounting to royal customs. What these forms and ceremonies were, will be hereafter shown; and why adopted, may be found in Marshall's 5th vol. p. 163, where a letter of Washington to Dr. Stuart, is quoted, stating the reasons; what Mr. Jefferson says (in one of his posthumous volumes) to the contrary, notwithstanding.

Congress continued in session till the 29th of September, (1789) employed in framing the laws necessary to the organization of the government. In this space of time, the construction of the powers intended to be given, was very ably discussed. The number of senators did not then exceed eighteen. The number of representatives attending was about eighty. Soon after the adjournment, Washington made his eastern tour. He did not then visit Rhode Island, but did this in the following autumn.

Among the subjects strenuously debated at this Congress, was the President's power of appointment, and removal of the officers of his cabinet. The appointment was constitutionally subject to the assent of the senate. The removal was then settled to be, in the power of the President alone.

The history of the country shows, in what manner this power may be used; and some who were then opposed to leaving it with the President alone, would have seen their predictions realized, if they had continued to the present day. It is perceived now, that the framers of the constitution erred in not restricting executive power; and that the first legislators erred in like manner. Though they could not have expected a succession of Washingtons, they are excusable for not dreaming of Jeffersons and Jacksons. Another point much discussed was, whether the secretaries of the executive should make reports to Congress. The duties and difficulties of the treasury department may be discerned in Mr. Ames's remarks in support of the proposition: "Among other things," he said, "the situation of our "finances, owing to a variety of causes, presents to the "imagination a deep, dark, and dreary chaos, impossible to "be reduced to order, unless the mind of the architect be "clear and capacious, and his power commensurate to the object. It is with the intention of letting a little sunshine "into the business, that the present arrangement is pro"posed."

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The tonnage duty was one of the subjects, at this time, considered. Even then, the spirit that never tired, nor yielded, in favor of France, till the conclusion of the war in 1815, was clearly apparent. It has been before remarked, that it was a natural political feeling. It may have been honestly entertained. Whether it was honestly applied, at all times to American affairs, is a matter which must be left to the consideration of those who will examine with an impartiality, not to be expected from men who united in it, or lamented it.

LETTER XI.

MARCH 1, 1833.

BEFORE the President commenced his tour in the east, he selected his cabinet. Mr. Jefferson was then on his voyage from France, in which country he had been minister some years. His return was intended to be temporary. On his arrival he found an invitation to assume the office of Secretary of State, with an intimation, that he was to retain his diplomatic character, and return to France, if he did not accept. He is said to have preferred the latter, but did for some reason forego this preference, and assumed the duties of Secretary on the 22d of March, 1790. Alexander Hamilton was appointed Secretary of the Treasury the preceding September. This office is supposed to have been offered first to Robert Morris, who declined it, and who recommended Hamilton. In the same month General Herty Knox was appointed Secretary at War; and Edmund Randolph, Attorney General. The office of Secretary of the Navy did not exist till Mr. Adams's presidency, and was first filled by George Cabot, in the month of May, 1798. In the lately published biography of John Jay, it is said, that this gentleman was invited to select an office for himself, and that he chose the place of Chief Justice, and was appointed in the same September. This eminent man will be hereafter described; as well as each of those who have just been mentioned.

At the next session, which was held at New York, some of the admirable reports of Hamilton were presented, which established the true course of national policy from that time to the present. Hamilton was then about thirty-three years of age. The first object appears to have been to provide for the debts contracted during the war, and to establish the

national credit. The light of the sun was then let in, as Mr. Ames said, on this chaos. There was more light than was acceptable to some of the members of Congress. A great diversity of opinion arose; and long and animated debate ensued. This highly interesting subject, at that time, was, and ever will be, one of deepest interest to this country, as the true basis of national credit, and of the national honor, then established. The discussion seriously agitated the country, and gave new vigor to party dissensions. There were two points of prominent interest, whether the state debts should be assumed by the nation, and whether the evidences of debt (called then public securities) should be "funded" for the benefit of the holders, at the nominal value, or at some depreciated value. They had long been in circulation, and sometimes as low as at one eighth of the sum for which they issued. These securities had gathered in the hands of those who expected payment, if the constitution took effect; and this was among the causes of the deep interest which the conventional meetings excited. When "the funding system," on Hamilton's report, engaged the attention of Congress, "speculation" might be called a public distemper. At one time the securities rose above their nominal value. Fortunes were won and lost in a single hour. No one who can remember those days, needs to be reminded of the intense excitement which prevailed among speculators; nor of the sullen dissatisfaction manifested by individuals of the opposition. Doubtless the public debt was to be provided for; and, so far as can now be discerned, this was honorably and equitably done. But its effect was to strengthen opposition, and to furnish one more lever to pry up the administration. The greater part of the securities were held in the middle and eastern states. The wealth which was acquired in these parts of the Union, may have been among the early causes of the feelings which have been elsewhere manifested, since these times.