"believed there were a thousand men in the United States "who were capable of filling the presidential chair as well "as it had been filled heretofore. And although a clamor "had been raised in all parts of the United States, more or "less, from apprehensions on the departure of the President "from office, yet, not feeling these apprehensions himself, "he was perfectly easy on the occasion." "He, for his "part, retained the same opinions he had always done with respect to certain prominent measures of his administration; nor should any influence under heaven ever prevent "him from expressing that opinion—an opinion in which "he was confident, ere long, all America would concur." A majority did concur with Mr. Giles ere long, and these "measures," so far as was practicable, were overruled; but whether for the prosperity, honor, and happiness of the country, it may be safely left to history to decide. Even now, it must strike one with surprise, that a sensible man, and a native Virginian too, found it an agreeable duty to record his disapprobation of a man whom all America, nay, all the world, regards with a veneration which never before or since has fallen to the lot of any man. After Mr. Giles left Congress he was for some time governor of Virginia. To what extent genuine hatred of the persons who were the authors of these "measures" imparted a character to Mr. Giles's feelings; and how far he was convinced that Washington's administration was injurious to the country, he might not have known himself; since his views, as a statesman, were so intimately combined with an implacable personal hatred.

LETTER XIII.

MARCH 6, 1833,

In the early part of the year 1793, France, declared war against England. This country was then entangled with France, by treaty. A very serious question arose, as to the part which the United States should take, in this war, or whether any. It appears to have been expected in France, that the United States would engage on its side, from treaty stipulations, or inclination, against England. The President, and his cabinet, were unanimously of opinion, that the United States were not held to take part in a war begun by France; and on the 18th of April, the celebrated. proclamation of neutrality was issued. On the receiving of a minister from the French republic, the cabinet were divided; Jefferson and Randolph were in favor of it, Hamilton and Knox against it. The President adopted the opinion of the former. It appears to have been Washington's practice, to state questions in writing to the members of his cabinet, and to require their written answers; these, he appears to have examined, and to have formed his own opinion; sometimes requiring a discussion of these opinions in his presence.

The country was already divided into parties, for and against, making a common cause with France. That in favor of it, severely condemned the proclamation; the other approved of it in the highest terms. The former denounced it as a royal edict, and as a daring assumption of power; while the other upheld it as a new proof of the wisdom and patriotism which had always distinguished Washington. About this time, there were introduced from France imitations of what was there called the Jacobin Club. This club (so called from its place of meeting) was composed of

certain prominent men who met to decide what the measures of the government should be, and they accomplished their objects by intrigue and terror. The institutions of the same sort here, were formed for the ostensible purpose of preserving civil liberty, but for the real purpose of overawing the government. They were here called "Democratic Societies," by their members, and "Jacobin Clubs," by their adversaries. They had an affinity with each other, by means of corresponding committees. They approved of all the excesses of the French Revolution. In some of their festivals, especially in Philadelphia, extraordinary ceremonies are said to have occurred, in the presence, too, of distinguished men. But the memory of them has passed away; and it is probable, that the agents in these scenes lived to regret them. It can be no otherwise useful to refer to them, than to show the character of the times; and the excessive enthusiasm which the transactions of France inspired; and how embarrassing it was to our own government. Washington felt these combinations, as being destructive of all social order; and is supposed to have alluded to them in his farewell address, in speaking of "secret societies." He mentioned them again and again, with the most decided disapprobation, in his private letters.

The first minister that appeared here from the French republic, was the "citizen" Genet, who is said to have instituted the Jacobin Clubs in the United States. His employers assumed, that the United States were to engage, at once, in the war; and he was authorized to commission privateers, and to raise, in the United States, forces to attack British and Spanish possessions on this side of the water. He seemed to consider himself entirely independent of the government of the United States. He was a man of middling stature, and full person, (as now recollected,) and of ardent and animated temperament.

It is usual for a foreign minister to present his creden

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tials to the government to which he is sent, and to be received as such before he begins to exercise his functions. But the citizen Genet did not stop for such ceremonies. He landed at Charleston, S. C. on the 8th April. He was there received with every demonstration of respect and joy, as the representative of the great nation; and during his residence there, assumed to issue commissions, for the arming, fitting out, and manning with Americans, vessels of war "to cruise and commit hostilities on nations with whom the "United States were at peace." (Marshall, v. 411.)

His journey from Charleston to Philadelphia, was as that of a victorious chief, to whom a country was indebted for its salvation. He arrived at Philadelphia on the 16th of May, and was there received in a manner which might have misled a more intelligent man than citizen Genet. It strikes one with some surprise, that such events could have occurred in this country. One cannot look back on the enthusiasm and gratitude felt for republican France, without feeling how easily good sense and discretion may forsake a people. But we look back under the influence of events of posterior times, and as though these ought then to have been foreseen. Regarding this matter dispassionately, nothing was more natural than this enthusiasm. Grateful attachment to France while a monarchy, and detestation of England as a royal tyranny, had long been the common sentiment of the whole country. Now that France had become a republic, and was contending, to maintain herself, against England and royalty, the duty and interest of siding with France was too certain to admit of reasoning,-it was an irresistible feeling. The greater, then, is the estimation in which Washington's foresight should be held, since he saw through, and far beyond this excitement; and, most honorable to him, was that magnanimity which opposed itself to the popular clamor.

Genet was astonished to find, that he could not carry on

the war from this country, by exercising the powers of sovereignty in arming vessels, and having their prizes condemned by French consuls. The government was determined to adhere to the strictest neutrality; to which Genet had no objection, provided he could carry on the war himself; as though belligerent operations could be conducted in a neutral country in the name of a party to a war, without making that country a party in it. This he insisted on doing; and when told that he would be resisted by force, he threatened to appeal from the President to the people. The controversies with Mr. Genet were exceedingly embarrassing to the President. On one occasion he had to call on Governor Mifflin, of Pennsylvania, to prevent the sailing of a vessel which had been brought in, as prize by a French frigate, and converted into a privateer at Philadelphia, and named Le petit Democrat. It was on this occasion, that he told Alexander J. Dallas, secretary to Governor Mifflin, that he would appeal to the people. Mr. Dallas is the same gentleman, who was afterwards Secretary of the Treasury of the United States. He was a lawyer of some eminence, a tall man, of good manners, marked with the small pox, (if rightly remembered,) and of inexhaustible eloquence. A speech of two, three,

or even four days, was not an unusual effort with him. About twenty-five years ago he came to Boston to argue a cause. He was a very fluent speaker, but diffusive, and fanciful. He was entirely on the French side of American feeling, as was Governor Mifflin. The conduct of Mr. Genet became so insolent, and offensive, that the President required of Gouverneur Morris to demand of the French government, his recall. Morris was then minister at Paris. Genet was recalled, though his mission would have terminated if he had not been, as in the revolutionary movements in France, the party to which he was indebted for his ministry, was overthrown. Mr. Genet remained in the United

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