with France, he acted in opposition to the views of the majority of his Cabinet, and of several influential Federalists, notably General Hamilton and Gouverneur Morris. This led to a schism in his party. In May, 1800, the President demanded the resignation of the Secretaries of State and War. John Marshall of Virginia, and S. Dexter of Massachusetts, were called to succeed them. This only made the breach more irreparable. As the Presidential election of 1800 approached, the Federalist leaders opposed to Mr. Adams plotted to obtain the majority of the electoral votes for C. C. Pinckney, the Federalist candidate for the Vice-Presidency. The manoeuvre failed. The Republican candidates, Jefferson and Burr, received each 73 votes; the Federalist candidates, Adams and Pinckney, 65 and 64 votes. As there was a tie between Jefferson and Burr, the election of President devolved by the Constitution on the House of Representatives.

It was during the Presidency of Mr. Adams, in the summer of 1800, that the seat of Government was transferred from Philadelphia to the city of Washington.

PRESIDENCY OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Ir must have been a source of mortification to Mr. Jefferson that he, the author of the "Declaration of Independence," and perhaps the ablest Statesman of the Revolution, should find himself on a par in the estimation of the country with such a man as Aaron Burr, in every way his inferior. Doubtless his political course. during the Administrations of Washington and Adams had lowered him in the respect of his fellow-citizens.

In the balloting for the President in the House of Representatives, the opposition to Jefferson was prolonged. As there were then sixteen States in the Union, nine were necessary to a choice, each State giving but one vote. The Federalist party from its dislike of Jefferson was mostly disposed to vote for Burr, whom it could have elected, but many eminent Federalists considered Burr unworthy of the position. General Hamilton exerted all his influence with his party against him. He denounced Burr in a private letter which soon became public in the following terms:-"There is no doubt that upon every prudent and virtuous calculation Jefferson is to be preferred. He is by far not so dangerous a man, and he has pretensions to character. As to Burr he has nothing in his favor. His private character is not defended by his most partial friends. His public principles have no other spring or aim than his own. aggrandizement. If he can, he will certainly disturb

and

our institutions to secure himself permanent power, with it wealth. To accomplish his ends, he must lean upon unprincipled men, and will continue to adhere to the myrmidons who have hitherto surrounded him. To these he will no doubt add able rogues of the Federal party; but he will employ the rogues of all parties to overrule the good men of all parties, and to promote projects which wise men of every description will disapprove.'

The struggle between the partisans of Jefferson and Burr in the House of Representatives continued for a week, but at last some members of the Federalist party agreed to withdraw their opposition if Mr. Jefferson would consent when elected, first, to support the public credit; second, to maintain the navy; third, not to remove subordinate public officers for political motives. These terms were accepted, and on the thirtysixth ballot Thomas Jefferson was chosen President.

In his Inaugural Address, March, 1801, he dropped the role of a sectional Politician that he had hitherto played, and assumed a tone more becoming his exalted position. He used conciliatory language towards the Federalist or Northern party, which he had previously assailed with bitterness. "We have called," said his Inaugural, "by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all Republicans-we are all Federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change its Republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety

* General Hamilton's strenuous efforts tended to prevent Burr's elec tion. Treasuring up this wrong, he abided his opportunity, and in 1804, near the close of his term as Vice-President of the United States, he demanded reparation of General Hamilton in a duel, in which the latter was killed.

with which error of opinion may be tolerated when reason is left free to combat it."

The new President made Madison of Virginia, Secretary of State; Dearborn of Massachusetts, Secretary of War. He retained at the head of the Treasury and Navy the Secretaries appointed by his predecessor.*

The Republican or Southern party was in a majority in both Houses of Congress, and the influence of President Jefferson over its legislation was therefore unbounded.

Most of the office-holders had been appointed by President Washington, and represented the Federalist party, now in minority. It was feared they would be generally removed for members of the dominant side On this point the President showed more regard for the interests of the country than of his party. Yet he did not think it fair that the "monopoly of office was to be continued in the hands of the minority," but his desire was to remove only the least worthy. He recorded his opinion that the only questions concerning a candidate for office should be, "Is he honest, is he capable, is he faithful to the Constitution?" The whole of the removals during his Administration numbered less than forty.

The great sensation of 1801 was the rumor that Spain had secretly ceded her territory of Louisiana to France. This, of course, invalidated the treaties between Spain and the United States, securing to the latter the navigation of the Mississippi river. The western

*The National Intelligencer, one of the most reputable journals ever published in the United States, was established at this period in Washington, and became the official organ of the Government, and of the Republican or Southern party.

country was up in arms at this news, and insisted on the Government taking effectual means in their behalf. The French Government for over a year denied the reported cession, but finally admitted that it had occurred in October, 1801. Such was the agitation on this subject that President Jefferson resolved by every possible means to nullify the effects of this unexpected event. The Minister to France, Robert R. Livingston, was instructed to employ all the efforts of diplomacy to effect a satisfactory solution of the difficulty. The chances of a breach between the two countries were suddenly averted by an offer of the First Consul-Bonaparte -to sell the territory in question to the United States. This led to a new perplexity. What authority had the Government under the Constitution to undertake such a purchase? The advantages of the acquisition, however, were so immense that our Minister to France, supported by Mr. Monroe who had been sent out for this purpose, ventured to enter on the negotiation, and without instructions they assumed the responsibility of striking a bargain by which the United States were to become the owners of this immense domain for some fifteen millions of dollars. They signed a Treaty to that effect and sent it to the President. It is not to be pre

sumed that the Ministers to France would have taken a step so far transcending their powers without some secret instructions from their Government. This was proved by the action of the President who endorsed the unauthorized Treaty, and called an extra Session of Congress in October, 1803, to ratify it, which was promptly done. By means of this diplomatic manœuvre Louisiana became the property of the United States.

At the close of his first term of office Jefferson was