PRESIDENCY OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. In the Presidential election for 1824, the North presented no candidate. The Southern or Democratic party failed to unite on any candidate, and in consequence the electoral colleges gave their votes to various prominent individuals of that party. General Jackson received 99 votes; J. Q. Adams, 84; W. H. Crawford, 41; and Henry Clay, 37. As none had a majority, the election for President vested in the House of Representatives, where, in February, 1825, J. Q. Adams received the vote of 13 States; General Jackson, of 7; and W. H. Crawford, of 4. Mr. Adams was therefore, by a majority of the States, elected President. Being convinced of the impossibility of his election, Mr. Clay had withdrawn his name from the canvass, and desired the States who were ready to support him to record their votes for Mr. Adams. On the accession to office of President Adams, he tendered the Secretaryship of State to Mr. Clay. Upon this a loud outcry was raised by the partisans of the defeated candidates of a bargain having been made between Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay. It was baptized as the "Coalition," and led to a vast amount of personal altercation. The only thing certain was that Mr. Clay retired from the contest when he saw no chance of success, and as he preferred Mr. Adams' nomination to that of General Jackson, he naturally used his influence to secure it. Mr. Adams, on the other hand, selected him for his chief Secretary, as the best qualified for the post, but no doubt felt grateful to Mr. Clay for giving his claims the preference over those of his rival, General Jackson. The partisans of the latter, however, made an immense clamor over the alleged "Coalition,” and manœuvred skilfully to ensure General Jackson's elevation to the Presidency at the next election. There was little in the foreign or domestic policy of President Adams which requires special notice. "His administration was remarkable for order, method, and economy, though party spirit springing from quarrels generated by the election was higher and more rancorous than it had been for many years.” The most interesting event of this Administration was the passing of a new Act by Congress, May, 1828, further increasing the Duties on the importation of wool and woollen goods, with a view to encourage American manufactures. In the last year of President Monroe's Administration, 1824, the Tariff had been raised in conformity to suggestions in his last Message, but it was complained by the manufacturers that the Duties in question had been evaded, and in the last year of the Administration of President Adams, 1828, it was proposed in their interest to remodel them. An acrimonious debate ensued, and the greatest diversity of opinion prevailed. The Southern States vehemently opposed any augmentation of the Tariff as detrimental to the agricultural interest, whilst some of the Northern States advocated it zealously for the reason that it was beneficial to that interest. The South, also, was disposed to deny the constitutionality of a Tariff to * “New American Cyclopædia.” protect home manufactures, but it was shown that in the first Congress which met after the adoption of the Constitution, and where so many of its framers were present, no one questioned the power of Congress to adopt a Protective policy under the clause which authorized it to "levy and collect taxes, duties, imports, and excises to regulate commerce with foreign nations." A conclusive proof of the change of opinion on the subject of a Protective Tariff at the North and South may be found in the fact that, in 1824, Mr. Webster of Massachusetts' was the abiest opponent of such a measure, used all his talents and influence against it, and brought a formidable array of facts and figures to show its inexpediency; whereas, in 1828, he was discovered on the opposite side of the same question, and displayed just as much ability in vindicating the efficiency of higher imposts to develope manufacturing prosperity. Within this short interval the State he represented in Congress had begun to invest her capital in manufactures, and, of course, he was obliged to change his ground and express different views. The Tariff Bill of 1828 passed the House of Representatives by 105 to 94, and the Senate by 26 to 21, which shows that the division of opinion was nearly equal. The eccentric John Randolph of Virginia declared in the House that "the Bill, if it had its true name, should be called a Bill to rob and plunder nearly one half the Union for the benefit of the residue." Mr. Drayton of South Carolina moved to amend the title. of the Bill, and insert, "to increase the Duties upon certain imports for the purpose of increasing the profits of certain manufacturers." I shall here close the retrospect of the political |