him in so dignified and confidential a service, and, at the same time, to degrade him in the estimation both of his friends and enemies, by a public disavowal of his conduct; that it was particularly improper to send him into negotiations with the latter, under the impressions of supposed obligations to them; that a part of this reasoning was applicable to the part which Doctor Franklin, another Minister, had taken in the measure; that the Marquis de la Fayette, who, in consequence of the liberation of Cornwallis, had, with the approbation of the Ministers, undertaken an exchange of several of his family, would also participate in the mortification; that, finally, it was greatly overrating the importance of Cornwallis to sacrifice all these considerations to the policy or gratification of prolonging his captivity.

On the adverse side it was said, that the British Government having treated Mr. Laurens not as a prisoner of war, but as a traitor; having refused to exchange him for General Burgoyne when the offer was made; and having declared, by the British Commanders at New York, that he had been freely discharged, neither Mr. Laurens nor Congress could be bound, either in honor or justice, to render an equivalent, whilst policy strongly inculcated that so barbarous an instrument of war, and so odious an object to the people of the United States, should be held as long as possible in the chains of captivity; that, as the latest advices rendered it probable that Mr. Laurens was at this time on his way to America, the dignity of the commission for peace could not suffer from any mark of disapprobation which might

lie on his public conduct; that Doctor Franklin's character was guarded against injury in the case, by an express reservation in his act for the allowance or disapprobation of Congress; that the same might be said with respect to the Marquis de la Fayette; that the solemn declaration made by Congress against any partial exchanges, until a cartel should be established on national principles, would not admit even of a ratification of an exchange antecedent to that declaration.

These were the ostensible reasons for the opposite opinions on this question. We may well suppose, however, that, with some members at least, they were secretly corroborated-on one side by personal attachment to Mr. Laurens, and, on the other side by a dislike to his character, and a distrust excited by circumstances which I some time ago related to you. It is to be observed, at the same time, that several members who admitted the force of this last consideration were led, by the arguments first stated, to oppose the opinion of those who urged it. The question was at length suspended, at the request of some new members, who wished for further information. There is some reason to believe that it will be followed by an attempt to rescind the appoint

ment.

The obstinacy of Rhode Island in rejecting the impost, is a subject of very general and pointed crimination, not only among the public creditors and their friends, who deem it equivalent to a denial of justice, but among the most enlightened patrons of the federal interests, who pronounced it a blow to our credit abroad, as well as our future credit at VOL. I.-31

home. And, in truth, who can combine this consideration with the paltry payments on the last requisition of Congress, and not shudder at the prospect? This obstinacy on the part of Rhode Island is supposed, on good grounds, to be much cherished by the limited manner in which the other States have acceded to the impost, from which she infers a latent repugnance to the measure. Would it not, then, be prudent in Virginia to revise and enlarge her act of compliance? If her example should prove less efficacious than might be wished, it would at least have a conciliating effect on other States, and gain her general credit. I see no possible objection, unless, indeed, she wishes the plan to be frustrated; in which case I can only give it as my firm opinion, that a thorough knowledge of public affairs would speedily reconcile her to it. If your own ideas correspond with those here expressed, and the temper of the Legislature be not unfavorable, you will give such suggestions as may be best adapted to the object, and make them the subject of a future paragraph.

The copiousness of your favor of the sixteenth is a flattering presage of legislative communications. The reply of Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Marbois's queries is more accessible than you were aware. I have had a perusal of it, and have taken a few extracts. All, therefore, that will be necessary on your part will be to specify your commands. A transcript of the entire work, I presume, might be obtained, but it is too voluminous for any other pen than a hired one, to which, perhaps, objections might arise from delicacy. My extracts would have been fuller, had I

not taken it for granted that Mr. Jefferson had retained a copy, of which I might hereafter avail myself.

A letter from General Washington, of the nineteenth, informs Congress that the residue of the British fleet was about leaving New York; that twenty-five transports had arrived there from Quebec, prepared, before their sailing, for the reception of troops; and that he had received, through two channels, intelligence that troops were actually embarking, although he could not vouch for it. Another account had also arrived of the evacuation of Charleston, the foreign troops having gone to Halifax, and the British to the West Indies.

Colonel Hamilton took his seat in Congress yesterday as a delegate from the State of New York. Mr. Peters, Mr. Fitzsimmons, and General Mifflin, have attended some days as members from Pennsylvania."

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, December 3, 1782.

DEAR SIR,

Applications from the States of New Hampshire and Massachusetts, concerning the old paper of which they hold a surplus, have called the attention of Congress once more to that subject. The Superintendent, on a reference to him, reported, in rigid adherence to his maxims of public faith, that credit should be given for all surpluses at the rate of one for forty. This proposition was readily negatived by Congress.

Whereupon, a motion was made by Mr. Osgood, that the States should be credited according to the current value at the time of redemption, which, with one of the letters from Massachusetts, was referred to a Grand Committee. The Committee are unanimous, that the burden of redeeming the old paper, as well as all the public burdens, ought to be equitably apportioned on the States. On the mode and the rate, a diversity of ideas prevail. One expedient suggested was, to call anew on the States to sink the money, and leave them to level its inequalities by negotiations among themselves. This met with very little countenance. Another was, to declare, that, as soon as the entire sum should be taken up by the States from their respective citizens, Congress would proceed to charge the several surpluses on the deficient States, at the ratas equity might prescribe. The objections against this were, that it gave no immediate satisfaction to the complaining States, and would prolong the internal embarrassments of the States, which obstructed the requisitions of Congress. Lastly, it was proposed to authorize the Commissioners who are to traverse the country for another purpose, to take up the unredeemed bills, and form them into a part of the common debt by issuing to the individuals specie certificates at the rate of ; and to apply the like rule to an adjustment of the disproportionate redemptions of the States. This expedient was, upon the whole, least disrelished by the Committee, and is now under their consideration. Its reasonableness and its fate, both, will depend much on the scale by which as well the redeemed as the outstanding bills are to be