ES, the SHEAFFER Fountain Pen, though a small, is a faithful companion. It says to those light hearts who receive it at graduation or on any other gift occasion: "The one who sent me was generous in his gift because he paid the price of the Painted by Coles Phillips most beautiful of pens; he was thoughtful of your happiness because he was insistent on obtaining the SHEAFFER, which will never defile your lovely fingers with ink stains, nor fail to write at your bidding." Ask at leading stores or write for catalog. Illustrated-Pen No. 29; smart ebony finish with solid gold nib and band; $6 W. A. SHEAFFER PEN COMPANY, 205 SHEAFFER BUILDING, FORT MADISON, Iowa NEW YORK CHICAGO SAN FRANCISCO KANSAS CITY TERMS:-Issued monthly, 35 cents a number, $4.00 a year in advance in the United States, Porto Rico, Hawaii, Cuba, Canada, Mexico, and the Philippines. Elsewhere $5.00. Entered at New York Post Office as second-class matter. Entered as second-class matter at the Post-Office Department, Ottawa, Canada. Subscribers may remit to us by post-office or express money orders, or by bank checks, drafts, or registered letters. Money in letters is sent at sender's risk. Renew as early as possible in order to avoid a break in the receipt of the numbers. Bookdealers, Postmasters and Newsdealers receive subscriptions. June-1 THE REVIEW OF REVIEWS CO., 30 Irving Place, New York 561 Mr. Howells, who was the most eminent American man of letters, died in New York City on May 11, at the age of eighty-three. Mr. Howells had literally grown up and obtained his education in his father's country printing office in Ohio. In 1860, in association with John J. Piatt he brought out "Poems of Two Friends." In the same year he wrote a campaign life of Abraham Lincoln, and in recognition of this service was appointed consul at Venice, where he remained four years, writing "Venetian Life" and "Italian Journeys." On his return to America he became an editorial writer on the New York Nation, and later joined the staff of the Atlantic Monthly at Boston, serving as editor of that magazine from 1872 to 1881. During that period he turned from poetry to fiction. After several years' residence in England and Italy, Mr. Howells became an editorial contributor to Harper's Magazine, and for many years was the writer of "Editor's Easy Chair" in that periodical. His novels, numerous and distinctive as they are, by no means constitute his sole claim to fame. He was a critic of marked power and acumen, and as a writer of essays and travel sketches a worthy successor of Irving. (See page 644.) VOL. LXI Peace and THE AMERICAN REVIEW OF REVIEWS NEW YORK, JUNE, 1920 THE PROGRESS OF THE WORLD When President Wilson in January demanded that the election Politics this fall should take the form of a solemn referendum on his work in the Peace Conference, it was not generally believed that the issues involved in making peace could be so long deferred, or could be made to subserve a merely partisan purpose. But the deadlock has remained unbroken, and every attempt of reasonable and moderate men to secure a compromise and ratify the treaty has been rendered futile. When, last November, the Republican majority voted to ratify the treaty with the Lodge reservations, it would have been easy to secure the necessary two-thirds vote in the Senate if broad and wise counsels had prevailed. At a still earlier date, with even milder reservations, the treaty could have been adopted if there had been coöperation instead of antagonism between the White House and the Senate. With every added month of delay, the opponents of the treaty have grown stronger and the difficulties in the way of adoption have increased. Partisanship has been stimulated where it ought to have been forgotten. Prejudices have been awakened and ill-will toward other countries has been fomented, with serious loss to American prestige and great harm to the principles for which we fought the war. No. 6 welcome." The President proceeded to wave the party emblem as follows: It is time that the party should proudly avow that it means to try, without flinching or turning at any time away from the path for reasons of expediency, to apply moral and Christian principles to the problems of the world. It is trying to accomplish social, political, and international reforms and is not daunted by any of the difficulties it has to contend with. Let us prove to our late associates in the war that at any rate the great majority party of the Nation, the party which expresses the true hopes and purposes of the people of the country, intends to keep faith with them in peace as well as in war. They gave their treasure, their best blood, and everything that they valued, in order not merely to beat Germany, but to effect a settlement and bring about arrangements of peace which they have now tried to formulate in the Treaty of Versailles. They are entitled to our support in this settlement and in the arrangements for which they have striven. Shifts of Partisan Attitude As the preliminary campaign had advanced from March into May, Democratic sentiment had apparently been drifting away from the President's position to that of the earlier stand of the Lodge reservationists. Republican sentiment meanwhile had been to some extent drifting away from the Lodge position to that of Senator Knox, Hiram Johnson, and Senator Borah. The logic of events had made it quite certain that Senator Lodge would be chosen as temporary chairman of the Republican Convention at Chicago on June 8th, and would thus be given opportunity to make the so-called keynote speech. Republicans like former-President Taft, Mr. Elihu Root, Mr. Charles E. Hughes, or Mr. George W. Wickersham had been too strongly committed to the treaty and the League of Nations and too "mild" in their insistence upon reservations to have been entirely acceptable to the supporters of the victor in the California primaries. Senator Knox or Senator Borah had REVIEWS COMPANY 563 been too antagonistic, however, to express the average Republican position in the coming contest. Their strength was to be recognized by some such concession as the permanent chairmanship of the Chicago Convention. Mr. Lodge, who had been regarded as more interested in the proposed amendments than in the thing to be amended, was, therefore, in a position which made his choice as formal spokesman at Chicago practically certain. Hoover Now Even Mr. Herbert Hoover, who Lodgite, not only a few weeks ago had been Wilsonite sensationally launched by the foremost journalistic supporters of President Wilson as the proper nominee for the San Francisco Convention, and the man predestined to carry forward Mr. Wilson's policies of international altruism, had drifted sadly from the true faith and from communion with the counsels of perfection. He had entered the Republican primaries in California. against Hiram Johnson. It had been thought that the issue in California would be quite definite, both candidates being popular citizens of that State. Mr. Johnson won over Mr. Hoover a very large popular vote being polled-by a ratio of practically three to two. As this result was ascertained, however, nobody was disposed to think that it amounted to a verdict either against or for the treaty and the League of Nations. Hiram Johnson's attitude is as flatly against the unamended Versailles treaty as Mr. Wilson's attitude continues to be for it, without the smallest reservation or change. But there is no evidence at all to show that Hiram Johnson's vote-getting ability in the Republican primaries would not have been just as great, or even greater, if he had stood with men like Senator Kellogg of Minnesota in favor of the treaty and league, with suitable definitions of the American position. As for Mr. Hoover, he seems to have resented somewhat, since the California primaries, the intimation that he is European in his points of view and an adherent of White House doctrines as against Republicans. reject the man that the country really wants. But Mr. Hoover's increasingly definite support of the Lodge reservations has, of course, rendered him specifically unavailable as a Democratic compromise at San Francisco, with White House sanction. Since it was the foremost journalistic champions of the White House and of the unamended treaty who had originally proclaimed Mr. Hoover for head of the Democratic ticket, it is plain enough to those who have an understanding of American politicians and of convention ways that Hooverism must now make its sole appeal at Chicago, with no chance of a subsequent appeal at San Francisco. At first, when the news came on May 5 of Hiram Johnson's large majority in California, the chances of a Hoover stampede at Chicago seemed to have evaporated altogether. A little earlier it had been supposed that Johnson would carry his own State with no appreciable opposition. As it turned out, however, Johnson got nearly 335,000 and Hoover almost 180,000 votes. Hoover's Popular Support Wherever Johnson appeared and made a personal campaign, outside of his own State, he was able to prove himself a vote-getter of the first order; and thus his strength in States like New Jersey, Maryland, and Indiana reacted favorably upon his popularity on the Pacific Coast. The Hoover sentiment appeared, on the other hand, to be very widely diffused, irrespective of any campaign speaking or any systematic organization. Extensive and significant straw votes, like that undertaken by our contemporary, the Literary Digest, have demon |