VOL. LXI

A Winter

of Distress

The opening days of March were awaited through January and February with more than usual eagerness by countless millions of people. Here in America the winter had been one of unprecedented severity, and had been attended by an epidemic of influenza only less severe than that of the autumn of 1918. Pneumonia also had been unusually prevalent and everyone was longing for an early spring. The upward spiral movement of prices had continued, with all the historic phenomena of spendthrift extravagance on one hand, and painful economy on the part of those of ordinary fixed incomes on the other hand, such as always have attended periods of credit expansion and currency inflation following the economic orgies of a great war. As for Europe, there has been a widespread opinion that if nations and communities could but survive this terrible winter of hunger and hardship there might arrive with the springtime the beginning of a better period, and that famine and pestilence might be conquered before the beginning of another winter.

Some Uses of

Adversity

As yet there is no clear and bright evidence that war experiences have given poor old Europe much wisdom. But nothing valuable in public affairs comes without struggle and discussion, and we shall begin to see wiser leadership and a gradual settling down. The intense pessimism of January and February will give way to more hopeful moods before May Day. In short, there is some reason to believe that the local and international anxieties of February belonged to the proverbial darkness that precedes the dawn. For example, the terrible sufferings of the people. of the great Austrian metropolis during these bitter winter months has melted the hearts

No. 3

of neighbors who had recently been enemies of the Viennese; and pity for the starving children will perhaps have widened into generous public policies. Thousands of suffering Austrian children were received in successive trainloads by the warm-hearted people of northern Italy last month, and distributed among Italian families. There were encouraging gleams of common sense about the future relations of Jugoslavia and Italy; and there were prospects of favorable trade arrangements between Czechoslovakia and Austria.

European

Be Friends

There never has been any intelliNeighbors Must gent reason, in political ethics or in international statecraft, why the Italians and the South Slavs should not have reached an understanding beneficial to both about the use of the port of Fiume, and about the whole Dalmatian coast. The questions involved there are as simple as those relating to the Great Lakes between Canada and the United States. One of the best indications that winter was passing and that spring was coming lay in the news that Belgrade and Rome were about to agree upon these issues. Neither country can afford to do without the friendship of the other, and the Adriatic should unite as well as divide. The eloquence and rightmindedness of Premier Nitti at a moment when he seemed to have lost control of the Italian Chamber gained for him, in the middle of February, a great parliamentary victory, all of which made for neighborliness and a fair and broadminded settlement of pending issues. Even the Russian problem seemed a little less desperate as the winter season was approaching its last quarter, with the demands of trade and commerce making themselves heard above the turmoil of Soviet fanaticism. The experiences of this coldest and hungriest

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DR. FRANCESCO SAVERIO NITTI, ITALIAN PREMIER (The Premier was formerly a professor in the University of Naples and an authority in finance and economics. He succeeded Orlando at the head of the Government in midsummer last year. He had been in the United States in 1917 as a member of a visiting Italian mission. By sheer force of character and power of intellect, Nitti restored his control of the parliament at Rome early in February before starting to Paris and London to attend the Allied Supreme Council)

of all European winters seem to have been needed, for the discipline of Europe's moods of national pride, racial hatred, and sullen revenge. Everybody knows now that unless 70,000,000 Germans are set to work, and are allowed to trade with their neighbors, there can be no social health or economic prosperity anywhere from the English Channel to the Persian Gulf. These lessons had to be learned; and nothing but drastic experience would have carried conviction. Thus the general breakdown of Europe's economic life -as shown in a variety of ways, including the unfavorable rates of foreign exchangewill have taught the needed lessons and supplied some of the proper curatives, before spring has ripened into summer.

stitutional freedom of speech. In our last number we endeavored to present a reasonable and just view of the activities of the government against alien anarchists and socialists of the revolutionary type. The subject has occupied diminishing attention in the press; but-with sensationalism somewhat abated the government's policy has not changed. We may repeat our opinion that the deporting of mischievous aliens is the mildest of punishments and is wholly desirable. Probably the government will not again send such people abroad in army transports as distinct cargoes, with much advertising. Probably also the government's methods as respects each individual case will be more precise, so that no unfortunate mistakes may be made. But we are informed that the business of deporting criminals of this character will proceed quietly and steadily, insofar as such inciters to violence are discovered. A most wholesome effect is already evident. The mild radicals are ceasing to associate with the violent "reds."

Socialism Under Scrutiny

The protracted discussion at Albany in the case of the five suspended Socialist members of the legislature, far from being injurious in its public aspects, was most serviceable. If any Socialists are again elected to the New York legislature, there will be nothing ambiguous about their positions. It will be known to every voter in their districts and throughout the State just what their "socialism" means. It is now known to all readers that some people who have called themselves Socialists are law-abiding, while others are committed to criminal doctrines. In a democratic republic like ours, the political differences between the great parties are almost nothing when compared with their political agreements. The great parties are not at war with one another, but are decent and friendly rivals for the honor of being entrusted with the work of carrying on the government to which both are alike loyal. These accepted institutions of government are at the basis of our personal and social security; and we do not propose to allow them to be assailed by criminal conspirators. The "reds" bear no resemblance to a legitimate party. When, however, it comes to methods of proceeding against anarchists and communists, there should be intelligence as well as firmness. The public demanded fair play for the five Socialist members-elect at Albany, and the opportunity proved a good

one for scrutinizing the tenets of American Socialism. As the case proceeded it seemed likely that most, if not all, of the five would win their seats.

The Long Treaty Discussion

Another-and the foremosttheme of the winter's discussion has been the peace treaty and the League of Nations. We shall revert to that subject again in the course of these paragraphs. We make the allusion now in order to present the view that the discussion itself, tedious as it has seemed to many people, is but a part of the wholesome process of government by public opinion in a democracy. This matter of our place in an association of countries, for mutual protection and for peace and justice throughout the world, is fundamental in its importance. Unless there is something like general agreement to begin with, the intense and protracted debating of the various issues involved is not only inevitable but is a useful process for the establishment of definite public opinion. Out of seeming confusion there was gradually emerging an American point of view; and this was making its impression upon the leaders of European policy. In many ways it has been an expensive matter -this long delay in debating the legal terms of peace with Germany and in deciding upon our coöperation in the society of nations. But it has become plain in the course of discussion that we should not have been sufficiently conscious of the obligations to which we were committing ourselves if we had

SENATOR HIRAM JOHNSON, OF CALIFORNIA (As a presidential candidate Mr. Johnson has been steadily gaining adherents through his force as an ag gressive campaigner. With the treaty ratified and out of the way as a campaign issue, Johnson will doubtless accept the situation and lay more stress upon domestic problems)

merely taken the President's word for it all and had ratified the treaty before studying it.

America's Deliberate

Three months ago, in these pages, the subject was reviewed Verdict at length and the reservations contained in the Lodge resolution were briefly explained, one by one. Our opinions as expressed at that time gradually prevailed until fully four-fifths of the public opinion. of the country, as expressed through the newspapers, through political leaders, and through great organizations such as the League to Enforce Peace and the religious denominations, had come to an agreement that the treaty ought to be ratified and that the reservations (more or less modified) might well be accepted. The very thoroughness of the discussion showed that the American people were determined to act in good faith, and that if they entered the League of Nations it would be with the deliberate purpose to live up to whatever obligations. we had agreed to assume. Furthermore, the longer the discussion went on, the more general became the feeling that Senators were entitled to their different points of view.