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manuscript of the date of 1762, he then being in the junior class of the college, of seventy closely and minutely written quarto pages of extracts from that writer.

• He was graduated in 1763, with unblemished reputation. Three years afterwards, on taking the degree of Master of Arts, he pronounced the English oration, at that time a new thing in the exercises of the University, and considered its highest academic honor. His subject was "Patriotism," and it appears by the periodical publications of the day, that he acquired, both on account of the composition and delivery, great reputation.

' From the University, he passed in 1763, into the office of Oxenbridge Thacher Esq. in Boston, one of the most eminent lawyers of the period, and entered upon the study of the law with that intense ardor and industry, which were his distinguishing characteristics. Mr Thacher died in July 1765. Mr Quincy remained in the office during the residue of his student's term, took a general oversight of its concerns, and on entering his professional career, succeeded to an extensive practice, which his talents, diligence, and fidelity, in a great measure, secured to himself. His industry while a student, and during the first years of his profession, is proved by several manuscript volumes, in his own hand, consisting of “Reports of cases and points of law, solemnly adjudged in the Supreme Court of the Province,” part of which are original, and part copied from the minutes of eminent lawyers.

"The arguments of Auchmuty, Thacher, Gridley, Otis, Adams, and other distinguished lawyers, with the cases cited, in various important questions, are here abstracted and preserved. pp. 7–9.

It may be hoped, that the early specimens of Mr Quincy's literary industry, whilst a student, will not be lost. Our printed reports are but of modern date. The persevering labors of Mr Dane have preserved to us several manuscript cases of importance, which would otherwise have slept in oblivion. The volumes compiled by Mr Quincy, of 'Reports of cases and points of law adjudged in the Superior Court of the Province, must contain, it may be presumed, much valuable information, and modern lawyers would be gratified by the perusal of the arguments, though merely in abstract, of such men as Auchmuty, Thacher, Gridley, Otis, and Adams.

Mr Quincy was well fitted for his profession by his eminent talents and acquirements, and his distinguished eloquence; adding to these advantages an unremitting industry, and attention to the business intrusted to his care, he soon acquired an extensive degree of practice. His ardent mind, however, could not remain exclusively devoted to the duties of bis profession, during the interesting political questions, which then agitated the country. The course of his studies, his family connexions, the band of eminent patriots with whom he had intimate intercourse, and especially the influences which the conversation and example of such a man as Oxenbridge Thacher, the Gamaliel at whose feet he was brought up, must have exercised, could not but engage bim most devotedly in the various public topics of the day. Of this gentleman, the venerable John Adams, in one of his letters, gives an animated portrait.

From 1758 to 1765, I attended every superior and inferior court in Boston, and recollect not one in which he did not invite me home to spend evenings with him, when he made me converse with him as well as I could, on all subjects of religion, morals, law, politics, bistory, philosophy, belles lettres, theology, mythology, cosmogony, metaphysics ; Locke, Clark, Leibnitz, Bolingbroke, Berkley; the preestablished harmony of the universe, the nature of matter and of spirit, and the eternal establishment of coincidences between them; fate, foreknowledge absolute; and we reasoned on such unfathomable subjects as high as Milton's gentry in pandemonium, and we understood them as well as they did and no better. To such mighty mysteries he added the news of the day, and the tittle-tattle of the town. But his favorite subject was politics, and the impending threatening system of parliamentary taxation and universal government over the colonies. On this subject he was so anxious and agitated, that I have no doubt it occasioned his premature death. From the time when he argued the question of writs of assistance to his death, he considered the king, ministry, parliament, and nation of Great Britain, as determined to new model the colonies from the foundation, to annul all their charters, to constitute them all royal governments, to raise a revenue in America by parliamentary taxation, to apply that revenue to pay the salaries of governors, judges, and all other crown officers, and, after this, to raise as large a revenue as they pleased, to be applied to national purposes at the exchequer in England; and, further, to establish bishops, and the whole system of the Church of England, tithes and all throughout all British America. This system, he said, if it was suffered to prevail, would extinguish the flame of liberty all over the world ; that America would be employed as an engine to batter down all the miserable remains of liberty in Great Britain and Ireland, where only any semblance of it was left in the world.'*

* Letter to Mr Niles, of Baltimore, dated February 13, 1818.

We perceive, in this delineation, the character not merely of an individual, but of the age, in its leading features. There was a free, bold, decisive, manly style of thought and action prevailing, inherited from a hardy, persecuted ancestry, and cherished by our literary, civil, and religious institutions; a temper which could not brook oppression, or abuse of power in any of its forms. The foundations, sustaining the spirit of liberty, were deep, strong, and indelible. The library of Harvard College, by the munificence of the younger Hollis, who did for law and polity what his uncle had done for theology, was stored with the best writers on those subjects, and her sons drank deeply from this well of English undefiled." Lord Mansfield said once, in debate, alluding to Otis's Essay on the Rights of the Colonies, that he seldom looked into such things ; but in another case, about the same time, in a speech which is far more honorable to his memory, expresses his enthusiastic adiniration of President De Thou's dedication of his history, which he never could read, he said, without rapture. If prejudice could have been dismissed, his heart might have been touched, as was the soul of Chatham, by sentiments and opinions, flowing from lips and pens in an infant country, not inferior to the admired composition of President De Thou.

At the time of the stamp act, and until after its repeal, Mr Quincy was a student in Mr Thacher's office, and doubtless partook of the high excitement which prevailed at that period. His first political essays were two pieces, published in the Boston Gazette, in September or October, 1767, under the signature of Hyperion. This first essay of the young Tyrtæus of the day discovers the strong sensations, with which he viewed the measures, adopted by the parent country in reference to the colonies; and the whole course of his conduct, during the few remaining years of his life, was in harmony with the energetic commencement of his political labors, as evinced in the essays of Hyperion.

At this period the alarming declaration, accompanying the repeal of the stamp act, had begun to be carried into execution by the act for laying duties in the colonies, on paper, glass, painters' colors, tea, &c. with a clause enabling the crown to establish a general civil list in the provinces, to an indefinite extent. This measure, connected with the establishment of a board of commissioners of customs in Boston, was considered as evidencing a fixed determination in the administration to pursue, to an unknown and alarming extent, the project of raising a revenue from the colonies by indirect taxation, without their consent; the high tone of authority intended to be maintained, in regard to the colonies, was further evidenced by restraining the governor, council, and assembly of New York, from passing any act until the mutiny act should be complied with.

* Chamberlain of London, versus Allen Evans, in the House of Lords.

Soon afterward, (November 2, 1767,) was commenced the publication of the celebrated Farmer's Letters, in Pennsylvania, a series of papers powerfully addressed to the understanding and feelings of the American people, in reference to the claim of a parliamentary taxation. Mr Quincy's letter to the Reverend John Eagleston, written September 15, 1768, gives a view of his determined spirit, and of the state of things at that anxious period, when the arrival of troops at Boston, to secure the execution of the obnoxious measures, was expected.

The transactions of the town of Boston, mentioned in that letter, (p. 16,) were the results of a towo meeting on the 12th of the same month, at which, besides recommending a convention of delegates to meet in Boston, it was resolved,

" That the freeholders, and other inhabitants of the town of Boston, would, at the peril of their lives and fortunes, take all legal and constitutional measures to defend all and singular the rights, liberties, privileges, and immunities, granted in their royal charter.

. That as there was an apprehension, in the minds of many, of an approaching war with France, those inhabitants, who were not provided with arms, should be requested duly to observe the laws of the province, which required that every householder should furnish himself with a complete stand.'

Respecting the last resolution, Doctor Gordon quotes a sarcastic remark published in the New York Journal, denominating the intimation of the prospect of a French war, a disingenuous jesuitical pretence. It was doubtless a mere disguise, which would seem to have been equally unbecoming and impolitic, unless it were intended as a sort of argumen tum ad hominem, having reference to some false and delusive apologies, which had been offered for the maintenance of a considerable military force in the colonies.

On the 3d of October, a few days after the arrival of the two regiments from Halifax, Mr Quincy again appears in the Boston Gazette, unintimidated, under the signature of Hyperion.

After what has been said and wrote on both sides of the Atlantic, upon colony affairs ; after the most perspicuous demonstration of the illegality and ill policy of the measures pursued against this continent; it would be an affront to the understanding to attempt setting the matter in a clearer point of view. The meanest capa. city must perceive, the remotest peasant in the wilds of America must feel, the consequences.

• British taxations, suspensions of legislatures, and standing armjes, are but some of the clouds, which overshadow the northern world. Heaven grant that a grand constellation of virtues may shine forth with redoubled lustre, and enlighten this gloomy hemisphere !

• If ever there was a time, this is the hour, for Americans to rouse themselves, and exert every ability. Their all is at a hazard, and the die of fate spins doubtful! In vain do we talk of magnanimity and heroism, in vain do we trace a descent from the worthies of the earth, if we inherit not the spirit of our ancestors. Who is he, who boasteth of his patriotism ? Has he vanquished luxury, and subdued the worldly pride of his heart? Is he not yet drinking the poisonous draught, and rolling the sweet morsel under his tongue ? He, who cannot conquer the little vanity of his heart, and deny the delicacy of a debauched palate, let him lay his hand upon his mouth, and his mouth in the dust.

Now is the time for this people to summon every aid, human and divine; to exhibit every moral virtue, and call forth every christian

grace. The wisdom of the serpent, and the innocence of the dove, and the intrepidity of the lion, with the blessing of God, will yet save us from the jaws of destruction.

Where is the boasted liberty of Englishmen, if property may be disposed of, charters suspended, assemblies dissolved, and every valued right annihilated, at the uncontrollable will of an external power? Does not every man, who feels one ethereal spark yet glowing in his bosom, find his indignation kindle, at the bare imagination of such wrongs ? What would be our sentiments, were this imagination realised?

• Did the blood of the ancient Britons swell in our veins, did the spirit of our forefathers inhabit our breasts, should we hesitate a moment in prefering death to a miserable existence in bondage ? VOL. XXII.-N0. 50.


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