was represented as being 'in imminent hazard of the loss of life and confiscation of estate.' 'There is,' said the writer, 'but one expedient left to save you-Employ, for God's sake, those rare talents with which he hath blessed you, in convincing the people, that they have nothing to do, but to submit, and make their peace with government. You may by this means, probably, make your peace, and ward off the punishment that hangs over your head.' To this address Mr Quincy thought it proper to pay more attention, than is usually given to anonymous communications. He immediately published a reply in the Massachusetts Gazette. "The danger and the wrongs of my country,' said he, 'are to me equally apparent. In all my public exertions, I feel a sense of right and duty, that not only satisfies my conscience, but inspires my zeal. While I have this sentiment, I shall persevere, till my understanding is convinced of its error; a conviction that will not be wrought by the arm of power, or the hand of an assassin. Threats of impending danger, communicated by persons who conceal their name and character, ought never to deter from the path of duty; but exciting contempt rather than fear, they will determine a man of spirit to proceed with new vigor and energy, in his public conduct.'

Soon after the execution of the Port Bill had commenced, Mr Quincy received letters from Mr Clymer and Mr Dickinson, on the state of affairs, and communicating the feelings and opinions prevailing in Pennsylvania, and in other colonies, on the sufferings and proceedings of the Bostonians. The following is an extract of a letter from him to Mr Dickinson, dated Boston, August 20, 1774.

'At the urgent solicitation of a great number of warm friends to my country and myself, I have agreed to relinquish business, and embark for London, and shall sail in eighteen days certainly. I am flattered by those who perhaps place too great confidence in me, that I may do some good the ensuing winter, at the court of Great Britain. Hence I have taken this unexpected resolution. My design is to be kept as long secret as possible,-I hope till I get to Europe. Should it transpire that I was going home, our public enemies here would be as indefatigable and persevering to my injury, as they have been to the cause in which I am engaged, heart and hand; perhaps more so, as personal pique would be added to public malevolence.

'I would solicit, earnestly, intelligence from you, sir, while in London. I shall endeavor to procure the earliest information from all parts of the continent. As I propose dedicating myself wholly to the service of my country, I shall stand in need of the aid of every friend of America; and believe me, when I say, that I esteem none more capable of affording me that aid, than those who inhabit the fertile banks of the Delaware.' p. 173.

Mr Quincy's intention of a voyage to England, was communicated only to his relations and a few political friends. He embarked privately at Salem, on the 28th of September, 1774, carrying with him suitable letters of introduction to those characters, with whom he wished to become acquainted. The celebrated Congress of 1774 was then setting at Philadelphia. Samuel Adams and John Adams were members of that body. From John Adams he received an affectionate letter before his departure. Samuel Adams, in a letter to Rev. Dr Chauncy, observed, that Mr Quincy had informed him of his intended voyage. I am persuaded,' he adds, 'he may do great service there.' The particular objects in view do not appear to be specified. The plan was evidently urged by the political friends in whom he had most confidence. It was probably for the purpose of personally gaining and communicating such information, as could not prudently be communicated by letter, to counteract representations which might be made by governor Hutchinson and others, who had then recently repaired to England, and perhaps with the hope of some salutary impression on members of the government, or other men of influence, from one who had so many points of character to recommend him. He landed at Falmouth on the 8th of November, and made the following entry in the journal, which he began at the commencement of the voyage.

'Having reached the famous island of Great Britain, I am prone to contemplate the glorious deeds that have made it immortal,—but alas! my affections and my duty call me to consider the state of my native country.' p. 221.

On the same day he wrote to Mrs Quincy, concluding a letter which he had commenced some time previously at sea. To this lady almost all his letters written whilst in England, and which appear in the Memoir, are addressed. They are almost wholly on political topics, manifesting the interest taken by that intelligent lady in the high concerns, to which her

husband was devoted. They were designed also, as is often expressed, for communication to a circle of political friends. His health, we find by the first letters, was improved by the voyage, and he immediately engaged in active attention to every object of interest around him.

'November 9th. Proceeded from Falmouth to Bodmyn, twentytwo miles. Passed through the town of Pendryn, and several small villages. The roads hilly and good, affording agreeable riding, and delightful land prospects. The cultivation of the land can scarcely be realised by a mere American; it is to a wonderful perfection. The first reflection upon the immense labor that must be bestowed on these fields was, where the men lived, who did the work. Extensive fields, highly tilled, without a house. This was an object, which occurred almost every hour. The villages in which the laborers and peasantry chiefly reside, are built of small stones and clay, generally miserable accommodations for honest labor. The lower orders of people are servile in their obeisance, and despondent in their appearance.

'I could not help remarking, that if the little liberty diffused through Britain, could give such a beautiful face to nature, what would be the appearance, if there was as much general liberty, as was consistent with that fundamental principle of social policy, "the greatest happiness of the greatest number."

'November 11th. Though a very cold and stormy day, I viewed Plymouth Docks, and went on board and all over the Royal George, a first rate, pierced for two hundred and ten, and carrying two hundred guns. The ropewalks, buildings, armory, arsenal, naval and warlike stores, exceed the power of the human mind to conceive, that doth not actually behold.

'I will not attempt to describe what I could scarcely realise to be true, while I was actually viewing. My ideas of the riches and powers of this great nation are increased to a degree I should not have believed, if it had been predicted to me.

'I also saw many 64, 74, 80, and 100 gun ships; and went on board a loaded Indiaman just arrived; but this, being after viewing The various the preceding magnificence, did not much move me.

materials, and the several degrees of building, from the laying of the keel, to the finishing an hundred gun ship, which were very carefully viewed by me, in several instances, excited an astonishment I never before experienced.' pp. 224-226.

The impressions of national strength, which the view of these and other specimens of power and magnificence pro

duced, do not appear to have excited discouraging apprehensions of the fate of his country's cause, in the event of a resort to arms, but the whole tenor of his correspondence, whilst in England, manifests a persuasion that such would be the issue of the controversy, and firm confidence in the result. On the 17th of November he arrived in London. We copy the following entries in his journal on that day.

'I was visited by Messrs Thomas Bromfield, C. Dilly, and J. Williams, from all of whom I received many civilities. Waited upon Dr Franklin, and drank tea with him. He appears in good health and spirits, and seems warm in our cause, and confident in our ultimate success. I find many friends to liberty and America, rejoiced on notice of my arrival.' pp. 227, 228.

On the same day he thus writes to Mrs Quincy;

'About ten hours ago, I arrived in this great city, and am now at my lodgings, near the Hay Market. With you, and my friends, the first object and inquiry will be about my health and spirits. In one word (for just now I am a man of too much business to use many) they are both surprisingly fine,-rather bordering upon extravagance, than under par. Indeed, how could they be otherwise? From sea, I landed in fine health, and have now finished a most delightful journey of three hundred miles. The scenes of Plymouth Docks, Stonehenge, Wilton House (containing the statues and paintings of the Earl of Pembroke,) exceed all description; nay, I will venture to say, that the imagination stretched to its utmost limits, cannot form any idea of their grandeur, without a view. The same may be said of Exeter and Salisbury cathedrals.-But why do I waste time upon any other subject, than my country?

'I have spent about two hours today with Dr Franklin. He appears the stanch friend of America, and confident of the ultimate success of its friends. He has promised me his patronage, and I have reason to believe him sincere. He inquired particularly after "his old friend," my father." pp. 228, 229.

The residence of such a man as Mr Quincy in England, and his observations on men and things, in that interesting country, cannot but be highly engaging to every liberal mind. No reader of that description will be satisfied, without a perusal of his entire journal and correspondence during his visit, and the subject gains great additional importance with every American, from its reference to a most important period in our eventful history. We have only space for the admission of a few particulars noted in the journal.

'November 18th. This morning, J. Williams, Esquire, inspector of the customs in the Massachusetts Bay, waited upon me, and we had more than an hour's private conversation together. He informed me, that Governor Hutchinson had repeatedly assured the ministry that a union of the colonies was utterly impracticable; that the people were greatly divided among themselves, in every colony; and that there could be no doubt, that all America would submit, and that they must, and moreover would, soon.

'Dined with Doctor Franklin, in company with Doctor Bancroft and Mr Williams. Doctor Franklin confirmed the account given by Mr Williams relative to Governor Hutchinson, so far as that several of the nobility, and ministry, had assured him of the same facts.

November 19th. Early this morning J. Williams, Esquire, waited upon me with the compliments of Lord North, and his request to see me this morning. I went about half past nine o'clock, and found Sir George Savil (as Mr Williams informed me) in the levee room. After a short time his lordship sent for Mr Williams and myself into his apartment. His reception was polite, and with a cheerful affability his lordship soon inquired into the state, in which I had left American affairs. I gave him my sentiments upon them, together with what I took to be the causes of most of our political evils;-gross misrepresentation and falsehood. His lordship replied, he did not doubt there had been much; but added, that very honest men frequently gave a wrong statement of matters through mistake, prejudice, prepossessions, and biases, of one kind or other. I conceded the possibility of this, but further added, that it would be happy, if none of those who had given accounts relative to America had varied from known truth, from worse motives.

'We entered largely into the propriety and policy of the Boston Port Bill. In the conversation upon this subject I received much pleasure. His lordship several times smiled, and once seemed touched. We spoke considerably upon the sentiments of Americans, of the right claimed by Parliament to tax,-of the destruction of the tea,-and the justice of payment for it. His lordship went largely and repeatedly into an exculpation of the ministry. He said they were obliged to do what they did; that it was the most lenient measure that was proposed; that if administration had not adopted it, they would have been called to an account; that the nation were highly incensed, &c.

Upon this topic I made many remarks with much freedom and explicitness, and should have said more, had not his lordship's propensity to converse been incompatible with my own loquacity. His lordship more than thrice spoke of the power of Great Britain,