of their determination to exert it to the utmost, in order to effect the submission of the colonies. He said repeatedly, "We must try what we can do to support the authority we have claimed over America. If we are defective in power, we must sit down contented, and make the best terms we can, and nobody then can blame us, after we have done our utmost; but till we have tried what we can do, we can never be justified in receding. We ought, and we shall be very careful not to judge a thing impossible, because it may be difficult; nay, we ought to try what we can effect, before we determine upon its impracticability." This last senti ment, and very nearly in the same words, was often repeated,-I thought I knew for what purpose.

'His lordship spoke also upon the destruction of the Gaspee, and in direct terms twice said, that the commissioners were appointed to try that matter, and had transmitted accounts that they could obtain no evidence. This declaration being in flat contradiction to what I had several times heard Chief Justice Oliver declare to be the case from the bench, when giving his charges to the grand jury, was particularly noticed by me. His Honor ever most solemnly declared, in public and private, that the commission was to inquire whether any such event had happened, in order to send word to England, that so a trial might, or might not be ordered, as the evidence might be; and in the most express terms declared the commissioners had no power to try.

In the course of near two hours' conversation, many things more passed between us. As many letters and messages were delivered to his lordship while I was present, I several times rose to depart, telling his lordship I was afraid I should trespass on his patience, or the concerns of others; but being requested to stay, I remained about two hours and then rose to go, but his lordship kept standing, while he continued his conversation with his usual spirit. Upon my departure he asked me when I should leave England. I told him it was uncertain, but imagined not this twelvemonth. He hoped the air of the island would contribute to my health, and said he thought the most unhealthy months were past; and then saying, "I am much obliged to you for calling on me," we left each other to our meditations.' pp. 231-236.

'November 23d. Dined with Messrs Dilly, and a few friends of liberty, and spent the residue of the day in delivering letters. At night Mr Inspector Williams waited on me, with the compliments of Lord Dartmouth, and requested my waiting on him tomorrow at ten o'clock. Mr Williams gave me a curious account of a conversation with his lordship relative to my "Observations." Received the compliments of Governor Pownal! to breakfast with him.

'November 24th. Waited upon Lord Dartmouth, and had about an hour and a half conversation with him. I was convinced that the American and British controversy would be much sooner, and much more equitably settled, if it were not for the malevolent influence of a certain Northern personage now in Great Britain.

'Lord Dartmouth being called out for a few minutes to attend the physicians of his lady, made his apology, and taking up a pamphlet that lay on his table said, "I would entertain you with a pamphlet (Observations on the Port Bill,') during my absence, but I fancy you have seen this. I think you know the author of it." His lordship bowed with a smile, which I returned, and he retired for a few minutes.

*

*

'Was introduced by Doctor Franklin and Doctor Price, and spent part of the afternoon and evening with the Royal Society. Spent the residue of the evening with a club of friends of liberty at the London coffee-house. Was there introduced, by Doctor Franklin and Doctor Price, to Mr Alderman Oliver, Mr Vaughan, eight or nine dissenting clergymen, and several other gentlemen.

'I find the most sanguine hopes of good from the spirit of the Americans, and the most ardent wishes for their success.' 240, 241.

pp.

'November 24th. The manufacturers begin to feel,-they know, they acknowledge, they must feel severely; and if you persevere, they must be ruined. But what are these men,-what are the body of this people? The servants of their masters. How easy it is for the ministry to frown or flatter them into silence. How easy to take the spoils of the nation, and, for a season, fill the mouths of the clamorous. It is true, your perseverance will occasion, in time, that hunger which will break through stone walls. But how difficult is it, how impracticable is it, for mere commercial virtue (if indeed it have any existence) to persevere. I repeat, therefore, depend not upon this scheme for your deliverance. I do not say renounce it,-I say continue it; but look towards it in vast subordination to those noble, generous, and glorious exertions which alone can save you.'-Letter to Mrs Quincy. p. 248.

'November 27th. Doctor Franklin is an American in heart and soul. You may trust him ;-his ideas are not contracted within the narrow limits of exemption from taxes, but are extended upon the broad scale of total emancipation. He is explicit and bold upon the subject, and his hopes are as sanguine as my own, of the triumph of liberty in America. It would entertain you, if I could spare time to relate all that is said of me and my designs; but I have no leisure for amusements of this kind.'-Letter to Mrs Quincy. p. 250.

'December 6th. About ten this morning Mr Commissioner Morris waited on me, and staid an hour and a half. His conversation was much on the propriety of my laying down some line of conduct, to which the colonies would accede, and by which the present controversy might be amicably adjusted. He urged much my waiting again upon Lord North and Lord Dartmouth, and insisted upon the propriety and expediency of this step. I thought I could discern the origin and drift of this curious discourse.' p. 253.

'There never was a time in which I wished more 66 to speak without a tongue," and "to be heard without ears;" then, as Shakspeare expresses it, "in despite of broad-eyed, watchful day," "I would into thy bosom pour my thoughts." This kingdom never saw a time, in which the minds of all ranks were more upon the rack with expectation; and when I tell you that yesterday in the coffee-room adjoining the House of Commons, one of the ministerial members offered to lay a wager of seventyfive guineas to twentyfive, THAT BOSTON WAS NOW IN ASHES,-you will not think my own bosom free from anxiety! It is now more than two months, since any advices have been received from America, of the state of things in your province.'-Letter to Mrs Quincy. p. 255.

'December 12th. At the desire of Lord Shelburne (transmitted by Doctor Price) I waited on his lordship, and spent two hours in conversation on American affairs. His lordship appeared a very warm friend to the Americans, approved much of their conduct and spirit, and said if they continued united they must have all they ask. He said the ministry would not be able to carry on a civil war against America; that they began to hesitate and would be obliged to give way.

'His lordship confirmed my former intelligence of Governor Hutchinson's assiduity, assurance, and influence, but in the end observed that the eyes of the nation and ministry must soon be opened. He particularly said that Lord Mansfield, last session, assured the House of Lords, that the plan they had laid would go down in America, sine clade; and affirmed that he had the best intelligence what might be carried through there. Lord Shelburne intimated, that he had no doubt Lord Mansfield's opinion was grounded on Governor Hutchinson's information. I had before had a very similar account of Lord Mansfield's declarations in the House, from Mr Counsellor Allyne and Mr Arthur Lee.' pp. 264,

265.

'Let me tell you one very serious truth, in which we are all agreed, your countrymen must seal their cause with their blood. You know how often, and how long ago I said this. I see every day more and more reason to confirm my opinion. I every day find characters dignified by science, rank, and station, of the same sentiment. Lord- said to me yesterday, "It is idle, it is

idle, Mr ; this country will never carry on a civil war against America, we cannot, but the ministry hope to carry all by a single stroke." I should be glad to name the lord, but think it not best. Surely my countrymen will recollect the words I held to them this time twelvemonth. "It is not, Mr Moderator, the spirit that vapors within these walls that must stand us in stead. The exertions of this day will call forth events which will make a very different spirit necessary for our salvation. Look to the end. Whoever supposes that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which we contend; we must be equally ignorant of the powers of those who have combined against us; we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, which actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our bosom, to hope we shall end this controversy without the sharpest-the sharpest conflicts; to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclamations, and popular vapor, will vanquish our foes. Let us consider the issue. Let us look to the end. Let us weigh and consider, before we advance to those measures which must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle, this country ever saw."

'Hundreds, I believe, will call these words, and many more of the same import, to remembrance. Hundreds, who heretofore doubted, are long ere this convinced I was right. The popular sentiments of the day prevailed; they advanced with "resolutions" to hazard and abide the consequences. They must now stand the issue,--they must preserve a consistency of character,—THEY MUST NOT DELAY, they must or be trodden into

the vilest vassalage, the scorn, the spurn of their enemies, a byword of infamy among all men.'-Letter to Mrs Quincy. pp. 266-268.

'December 14th. Spent the evening with Mr Sayre, in company with Doctor Franklin and others. In the course of conversation Doctor Franklin said, that more than sixteen years ago, long before any dispute with America, the present Lord Camden, then Mr Pratt, said to him, "For all what you Americans say of your loyalty, and all that, I know you will one day throw off your dependence on this country; and notwithstanding your boasted affection for it, you will set up for independence." Doctor Franklin

said, that he assured him no such idea was entertained by the Americans, nor will any such ever enter their heads, unless you grossly abuse them. 66 Very true," replied Mr Pratt," that is one of the main causes I see will happen, and will produce the event." pp. 269,270.

Permit me to congratulate my countrymen on the integrity and wisdom with which the Congress have conducted. Their policy,

6

spirit, and union have confounded their foes, and inspired their friends. All parties agree in giving them a tribute of honor and applause. You cannot well imagine the chagrin with which the ministry received the result of that glorious body. They are viewed as the northern constellation of glorious worthies, illuminating and warming the new world. I feel a pride in being an American. Neither my affection nor zeal, in any degree, abates in the cause of my injured country.

'Doctor Price desires his very warm thanks to Doctor Winthrop for his letter, which has been read in Parliament, and did much good.'-Letter to Mrs Quincy. pp. 271-273.

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My dear sir, before I close, I cannot forbear telling you that I look to my countrymen with the feelings of one, who verily believes they must yet seal their faith and constancy to their liberties, with blood. This is a distressing witness indeed! But hath not this ever been the lot of humanity? Hath not blood and treasure in all ages been the price of civil liberty? Can Americans hope a reversal of the laws of our nature, and that the best of blessings will be obtained and secured without the sharpest trials?

'Adieu, my friend,-my heart is with you, and whenever my countrymen command, my person shall be also.'-Letter to Joseph Reed. p. 281.

'January 2d. This evening I had two hours' conversation with Colonel Barré, and from him I learned that he was once the friend of Mr Hutchinson, in opposition to Governor Pownall, but that he had for a long time, and especially since his last arrival in England, wholly deserted him. Colonel Barré, while we were viewing the pictures taken from ruins found at Herculaneum, said, "I hope you have not the books containing the draughts of those ruins with you." I replied, there was one set, I believed, in the public library at our college. "Keep them there," said he, "and they may be of some service as a matter of curiosity for the speculative, but let them get abroad, and you are ruined. They will infuse a taste for buildings and sculpture, and when a people get a taste for the fine arts, they are ruined. 'Tis taste that ruins whole kingdoms; 'tis taste that depopulates whole nations. I could not help weeping when I surveyed the ruins of Rome. All the remains of Roman grandeur are of works, which were finished when Rome and the spirit of Romans were no more, unless I except the ruins of the Emilian baths. Mr Quincy, let your countrymen beware of taste in their buildings, equipage, and dress, as a deadly poison." 'Colonel Barré also added in the course of conversation, "About fifteen years ago, I was through a considerable part of your country; for in the expedition against Canada, my business called me to pass by land through Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and Albany. When I returned again to this country, I was often