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characteristics and the influence of the principles of freedom, wherever they have made any impression. Then the mass of facts relating to our own country, of which the texture of the history is to be woven, is immense, and scattered over a wide and unexplored field. The works and documents, in which they are contained, have never been brought together or methodised; no individual has pushed his researches through them, nor even been so adventurous as to attempt a summary of their prominent parts. Till very recently such an undertaking would hardly have been in the power of any one. The works on American history could not be found within a practicable compass. This obstacle is at length happily removed. Since the famous Ebeling Library has been purchased and transferred to Harvard College, by the munificence of Mr Thorndike, and the Warden Library has been added, also as a donation, by Mr Eliot, it is believed that copies of nearly all the works, illustrating the history of North America, may now be found in the library of the College. If to these we add other books of this description in the Boston Athenæum, and the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, both of which are particularly rich in the treasures of American history, it is probable that no book of much value will be wanting, to complete a perfect list on this subject. Whoever would write a history of the United States, that will do honor to the country, as an able developement of its progress and resources, and delineation of its remarkable features, and as occupying an elevated niche in the temple of its literature, must necessarily have constant access to these collections. Let no man contemplate such a project, whose meridian years have been long numbered, nor flatter himself when he begins, that his declining sun will find him at the end of his wearisome task.
The little volume, whose title has called forth these remarks, comes upon us with no high pretensions; it is a simple narrative of facts, put together in a plain way, and intended for schools. For such a purpose it seems well suited, although it is a difficult thing to compress so much matter into so small a space, with a due attention to a just proportion of parts. The author's plan is, first to give a separate history of each of the old colonies; then in succession an account of the French war from 1756 to 1763; of the revolution, which secured our independence; the transactions of the old congress and the adoption of the constitution; the administrations of the different Presidents; and a detailed narrative of the events of the last war. All these things are accomplished in a duodecimo volume of three hundred and thirtysix pages. The mechanical divisions of the chapters are conveniently arranged, for the use of reading classes in schools. In short, as an epitome of the history of the United States, designed for young readers, we know not that a better work than this has appeared.
5.-A Sermon, preached at St Philip's Church, August 21, 1825. BY CHRISTOPHER E. GADSDEN, on the Occasion of the Decease of General Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. Charleston, S. C. 8vo. pp. 31. A. E. Miller.
AMONG the names, which are illustrious in the revolutionary and political annals of this country, that of Charles Cotesworth Pinckney holds a distinguished rank. This veteran in the cause of American independence and liberty, has died within the last year, leaving behind him a fame, which his cotemporaries have honored, and which posterity will cherish. Another light is extinguished, which shone brightly in the deep gloom, that hung at one time over our national destiny; another head is laid low, which was erect and firm amidst the perils, that exhibited an appalling aspect even to the wisest and the bravest. We can do no justice to this theme in the brief space, which at present is at our command, and shall merely add a few facts collected from Mr Gadsden's discourse.
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was born in February, 1746. His father, Charles Pinckney, was a man of eminence, holding the office of Chief Justice, and being one of the King's Council. His mother was a daughter of George Lucas, Governor of the Island of Antigua, and it is recorded of her in Ramsay's History of South Carolina, that the culture of indigo was introduced into that province through her agency. The son was educated in England, first at Westminster, and then at Oxford. His law studies were pursued at the Temple in London, and he acquired military knowledge by his travels on the continent. As the strength of his mind rescued him from prejudice, so his virtuous principles prevented foreign attachments. He was an early, decided, and devoted promoter of the revolution, courting the scenes of difficulty and danger, and choosing to be the companion of Washington. The friendship of these illustrious individuals was never interrupted, and the younger enjoyed a series of marks of confidence, commencing with his appointment as aid de camp, greater than were bestowed upon any other man.' After the organisation of the government, General Pinckney was on two occasions invited to hold a place in the cabinet, once as Secretary of War, and once as Secretary of State. He was sent on a foreign mission of great importance, and it was as minister to France,' observes Mr Gadsden, that he is said to have uttered the sentiment so consistent with his high character; Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute.' The command of the army, which was given to St Clair, was previously offered to him in 1791. He received from President Adams the appointment of Major General of the army. In the Appendix is an interesting account of the part he took, in the South Carolina State Convention of 1778, particularly as an advocate for religious toleration and liberty.
Speaking of General Pinckney as a patriot of the first order, Mr Gadsden remarks;
'That the honored dead had this love of country, we know not from his professions, not so much from his services and sacrifices, great as they were, as from two incidents by which it was remarkably tested. [?] When war was declared against France, the second command, contrary to the reasonable expectations of many, was given not to General Pinckney, but to one who had been his junior in the army of the revolution. The third place in command was tendered to him, and he promptly accepted of it. His services were needed, and he would not withhold them. It may well be questioned, whether there was another man whose patriotism, in the conflict with self esteem and martial pride, could have thus memorably triumphed. The other instance occurred in the last war, when, differing from some with whom he had long concurred in political sentiment, who were perhaps incapable of a like magnanimity, he recommended his friends, who consulted him, to accept of military appointments, and declared, notwithstanding his advanced age, that he was prepared to do his part in the conflict. It would be aside from our purpose to shew that such a declaration, from such a man, at such a crisis, was invaluable. It belongs to history to calculate the amount of his claim, accumulated through a long life, on the public gratitude. But we must remark, that it beautifully harmonised with his whole conduct, and proved that the sentiment of which we are speaking was deeply rooted in his soul. Ambition has been called the infirmity of noble minds, and pride seems almost inseparable from elevated distinction. If he had these vices, it is gratifying to find them overcome, when the question was between them and the country.' pp. 12, 13.
Mr Gadsden has drawn an interesting portrait of the character of General Pinckney, in all its relations, both as it was displayed in the humbler walks of private life, and in the high places of public trust. A biographical work, comprising the acts of General Pinckney, and an account of the events in which he was engaged, would be an acquisition to American history highly to be prized; and it is hoped, that such a tribute to his memory, and such a gift to his country, will not be withheld.
6.-Register of Debates in Congress, comprising the leading Debates and Incidents of the Second Session of the Eighteenth Congress; together with an Appendix, containing the most Important State Papers and Public Documents, to which the Session has given Birth; to which are added the Laws enacted during the Session, with a copious Index to the whole. Volume I. Washington. Gales & Seaton. Large 8vo. pp. 504.
AFTER examining this volume, the purposes of which are fully expressed in the title, the first reflection that occurs is, how the public has been so long contented without some work of a similar kind. As furnishing a history of the proceedings of Congress, and the transactions of the general government, both in the minuteness of detail and copiousness of facts, the editors' plan embraces everything, that is wanted. The materials are arranged in a natural order, and the method is throughout perspicuous. The body of the work is occupied with an abstract of the debates in Congress, each subject being introduced in chronological sequence, as it was taken up in the House of Representatives, or the Senate, and the debates are presented in the same order. This part of the volume thus becomes a record of the opinions of the members of Congress, and their reasons for these opinions, on all the important topics discussed during the session. The Appendix contains the Messages of the President, and the public documents accompanying them; the reports of the secretaries of the Departments; the reports of the Committees of Congress on subjects of importance; correspondence between public functionaries relating to our foreign and domestic concerns. Then come the laws passed during the session, and tables showing the state of our navigation and commerce. An Index serves as a key to the whole, and directs the inquirer immediately to any point he wishes to ascertain.
The great utility of such a work, not only to statesmen and politicians of all ranks, but to every general reader, is too obvious to need a single remark. The editors, in their preface, express apprehensions that the experiment is a hazardous one, but we doubt not these apprehensions will prove unfounded. It is a work of labor, expense, and trouble; we believe the demand will be such as to render a generous compensation for all these, if not immediately, at least within a short time. The value of such a book will increase every year in a rapid ratio, and it will soon be found to be a necessary appendage to all public, and most private libraries. The editors suggest, that experience may enable them to introduce improvements. This is possible, though we see no room for dissatisfaction with the work in its present form and garb; and we confidently hope they will be encouraged to continue
an undertaking, so creditable to themselves, and so eminently useful to the country.
It would be a great thing, if the hint should be taken from this beginning, to extend the plan to the state legislatures. A work, which should embrace the annual messages of the governors in the different states, and some of the most important documents accompanying them, and also an abstract of the proceedings of the legislatures on those subjects, which are calculated to have a permanent effect on the institutions of any state, or which have a national bearing, such a work, in connexion with Gales and Seaton's Debates, would constitute as perfect a historical register of passing events, as could be desired. The whole might be compassed in two volumes, not exceeding in dimensions the volume of debates. Such a work, moreover, would tend to give solidity to the government, by diffusing political information, and inducing a uniformity of action in the different legislatures. It would be a record of the opinions, and a repository of the wisdom, of our statesmen in every part of the Union, and the light elicited by each would serve to illuminate and guide all the others.
7.—A Lecture delivered at the Opening of the Medical Department of the Columbian College, in the District of Columbia; March 30, 1825. BY THOMAS SEWALL, M. D. Professor of Anatomy and Physiology. Washington City. 8vo. pp. 80.
By an admirable union of industry and good judgment, Dr Sewall has contrived to condense into a single discourse, an abstract of the history of the medical science, and a complete body of the medical statistics, of the United States. We know not where so large a mass of curious and instructive facts, on any one subject, can be found within the same compass, as is here collected, on the progress of medicine in this country. The lecturer begins by showing, that almost nothing was done, in the way of medical improvement, during the first century and a half after the landing of the original settlers. For many years, it was customary for clergymen to perform the office of physicians, and regular and well directed modes of practice gained ground very slowly in the colonies. The causes of this slow advancement of the science are briefly, but satisfactorily explained by Dr Sewall. In addition to the unfavorable circumstances attending new settlements, the period would appear to have been one, in which medicine was at a low ebb, and nearly at a stand, throughout Europe.