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Bostonian, who is equally confident, that when James Otis made his argument against writs of assistance, American liberty began to be. We esteem all this both honorable and natural. If it be worth while to take any distinctions on this subject, as we shall probably not be suspected of any factious intention, we would say, that the State feeling is one of deeper growth in this country,

than any which connects itself with our general existence as a nation. Some of our politicians, as it has suited either their immediate interests, or has been dictated by their general views, have taught that the State feeling should be repressed as pernicious. We doubt this extremely, either as possible or desirable. It is true, that our national existence is every day gaining in that veneration, which time alone confers; but it is equally true, that, at present, our strongest historic recollections belong to us as States; for when we boast of our great revolutionary characters, we boast of them, not so much as Americans, but as citizens of the commonwealth to which we belong. Destroy the local tie, which binds together the people of each State, and the Union would not survive a day. We repeat, that, in enthusiastic attachment to our happy Union, we are exceeded by none who enjoy its blessings. But so far is it from being true, as was urged in the ardor of debate, in the federal Convention, by the advocates of a more perfectly consolidated system, that the States are metaphysical, ideal existences, that we should rather maintain the contrary. The Union, comparatively speaking, is the metaphysical and theoretical thing. Like the illimitable city, where its central point is fixed, it yet looks raw and new. Its operation is occasionally sharp and harsh ; it wants the feeling of age. But the States, at least the thirteen States, come home in a different

way to the hearts of their citizens. They are not metaphysical, they are historical beings. The family feeling binds their parts together. The seat of power is in their bosom. Every village sends its representative to the council fire, which is thus connected by a living tie to the firesides of the people.

But for the very reason, that the State feeling has this foundation in nature, it is becoming the philosophic patriot to be ready to apply the proper corrective to its excess. Nothing ought to be a more constant object of attention to him, than to promote

*. Every thing that tends to strengthen the peculiar and exclusive feelings of State pride and sectional prejudice inevitably weakens the bonds of the Union.'— Report of a Select Committee for Amending the Constitution, December 22, 1823.

with fond care, the harmonious action upon each other of the parts of that most curiously complicated machine, which is formed out of the combination of our State and national institutions, and which constitutes the most extraordinary phenomenon in the political history of man. For this reason, we esteem it the duty of every true friend of his country's welfare among us to be most prompt and cordial in doing justice to the reputation of the distinguished characters of every State in the confederacy. However natural and however commendable the zeal of bearing testimony to the worth of which our own State has been the cradle and the stage, we ought to study with delight the honorable annals of our sister communities, and pay a hearty tribute to all we find in them of heroism and wisdom, in the field and in the cabinet. This is the dictate not less of justice than of magnanimity ; for, after all, the great deeds and the great men of earlier or later years, to which the United States are indebted for their present prosperity, are not so confined to any one quarter, that the aid of all others could, in any degree, have been dispensed with.

In regard to revolutionary merits, a great and honorable controversy has been waged between Virginia and Massachusetts now both of them somewhat declined from their former preeminence in numbers and power—then the leading States of the Union. But it ought, we think, to be conceded on both hands, that in the stern struggle for our liberties, the contest at the time was not so light and promising, that the voice or the arm of one of our champions could have been spared. Every man was essential. Every one, who served his country, did it precious service. There was no such superabundance of power, on our side, that it is fair to divide services into those, which were essential, and those which were subsidiary ; into those, with which the cause could have dispensed, and those, without which it would have suffered shipwreck. The humble sexton, who lighted the lamps in Christ Church steeple, on the night of the eighteenth of April; and the honest rustics, who defeated the treacherous project for the surrender of West Point, may, in the series of events, have rendered services as important, as those of Brooks when he leaped the entrenchments at Saratoga, or Lafayette when he stormed the lines at Yorktown.

It is one of the characteristics of a crisis like our Revolution, that it produces an astonishing developement of talent and resource, among all classes of the community. It not only stimulates the energy of many cultivated minds, but it elevates out of common life innumerable individuals, who, in more tranquil periods, are lost to all but the duties and calls of physical existence. This is the admirable resource, with which Providence provides a family of its children, whom it designs to raise up into an independent and prosperous people. They are commonly doomed, through much tribulation, to enter into the heaven of liberty and right. An exceeding sharpness of oppression, either in principle or fact, must drive them to resistance; and strong agonies of privation, of effort, of perplexity, and of care must bind their wandering counsels and divided interests into a band of strength and fortitude. Their leaders must sacrifice all the calm enjoyments and safety of home, and embark on a most troubled ocean of affairs with the gibbet in view ; the poor soldiers must march with bleeding feet over icebound fields of disaster ; and all the ordinary paths of life must be shut up before the rising generations of both sexes. The great and almost fatal calamities of such a state of things are no doubt the immediate cause of that astonishing developement of energy, both in deed and counsel, which marks a great political crisis, and which marked our revolutionary era more signally perhaps than any other in history. It certainly would not have been in the power of all the cabinets and armies of Europe, at that period, to show more business talent of the first order, than was displayed in these then insignificant colonies. The honorable testimony which Lord Chatham bore to the character of the state papers, which came from Philadelphia, was equally due to our military organization, considering the poverty of our means, and to our diplomatic negotiations, considering our political weakness. Neither is it fair to set all this down to the mere redeeming influence of the purity and disinterestedness of character of the men of those days. That generation, like this, was human, was frail. We had parties; we had narrow interests; we had traitors. And the revolution was brought about by the steady, businesslike efficiency of a host of able men, formed by the exigency of the times, seizing with wonderful aptness the right way of doing things ; struggling against all kinds of obstacles, and finally conquering, not as the heroes of romance do, by the interposition of miraculous power, but by the superiority of wisdom, fortitude, and resource.

If, in this harvest of great men, all parts of the country were not equally productive, none was signally barren ; and the just rights of none to the gratitude of posterity ought to be undervalued. Delicacy and generosity, moreover, require that the tribute of praise should be fully and handsomely bestowed, beyond the circle of State partialities, and that we should even exercise a patriotic curiosity in asking, who were great men in other States, that sat in council with our own fathers. The time is peculiarly appropriate for this exercise of liberality. The period of commemoration has now arrived; and every year is bringing forth some literary monument to distinguish revolutionary desert. Not to mention several less conspicuous works, the Life of Franklin by his Grandson, of Patrick Henry by Wirt; that of James Otis by Tudor, that of General Greene by Judge Johnson, that of Josiah Quincy Jun. by his Son, may all with various degrees of merit be named as most honorable memorials of the great men they respectively celebrate. Similar works, we understand, are in preparation to commemorate the character of Samuel Adams and his copatriot Gerry; and a life of Alexander Hamilton has long been impatiently looked for.

Among the works of this class, that which is now before us deserves very honorable mention; The Life of Richard Henry Lee by his Grandson. The short dedication of the work of itself establishes the right of the subject of it to immortality among men.

To Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, and Charles Carroll, surviving signers of the Declaration of Independence, the Memoir of the Life of Richard Henry Lee, the Mover of the resolution in Congress, on the seventh of June, 1776, “ That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States,” is most respectfully dedicated.'

What a motion! And what a triumph of modern civilization, that a measure like this, a proposal to sever an empire, to erect an independent government over a vast region, on a continent where the word of independence had never been uttered, should have been calmly brought forward and deliberated in parliamentary rule, like an ordinary political question. Henceforward let us despair of nothing desirable for humanity, merely because it is unheard of, in the former history of man.

Let us turn to the history of this motion, and hope for the time when all the great interests of nations shall be not only moved and suggested, but pursued, matured, and adjusted by negotiation and friendly compromise, without the barbarous resort to arms.

We cannot better fulfil the task of taking a proper notice of this work, than by compiling from it a brief account of the life and services, which it so ably commemorates.

Richard Henry Lee was the son of Thomas Lee, of Stratford, in the county of Westmoreland in Virginia, and was born on the twentieth day of January, 1732, being consequently about a month older than General Washington. His ancestors were among the first settlers of Virginia, one of them, Richard Lee, having emigrated from England in the reign of Charles the First. Thomas Lee, the father of Richard Henry, was one of the first of the leading men of the Atlantic colonies, who turned their attention to the extensive regions west of the Alleganies. Having employed an engineer of eminence from England to explore them, he, in conjunction with many others, under the name of the Ohio Company, took up an extensive tract of land on the Ohio river. The company never having obtained a patent from the Crown, their title was vacated at the Revolution. An anecdote related of the same person strongly illustrates his political foresight. He used to say, that he had no doubt America would declare herself independent of Great Britain, and that the seat of the new government would be near the little falls of the Potomac. So confident was he in this persuasion, that he acquired possession of large tracts of land around these falls, which till lately were in the possession of his descendants.

Richard Henry Lee, like most of the young men of wealthy families, was sent home,' as it was called, that is, to England, for his education, and was placed in the Academy of Wakefield in Yorkshire. No particular accounts are given of his

progress at school; but the style of his eloquence, in after life, shows him to have been well grounded in classical and general literature. He returned to Virginia at about the nineteenth year of his age, two years after the decease of his father, and took up his abode with an elder brother. Though he did not devote himself to any professional pursuit

, he passed his time in extending his acquaintance with the higher branches of political and moral science, and particularly in the study of the constitution and laws of England and America. For the pursuit of these dignified studies, his father's well stored library afforded him ample facilities.

Honorable and seductive as this leisure was, he stood ready to leave it, at the first call of his country. The inroads of the French and Indians on the western frontier, in the seven years' war, called aloud, and at length successfully, for the in

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