Military resistance to humanitarian war in Kosovo and beyond an ideological explanationDIANE Publishing, 2000 - Počet stran: 47 |
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Strana
... Doctrine Summary • Notes THE CLINTON ADMINISTRATION CASE FOR INTERVENING IN KOSOVO Why Intervene ? US National Security Strategy Never Againism . Humanitarian Intervention Summary Notes • CONCLUSIONS • Significance for the Future Notes ...
... Doctrine Summary • Notes THE CLINTON ADMINISTRATION CASE FOR INTERVENING IN KOSOVO Why Intervene ? US National Security Strategy Never Againism . Humanitarian Intervention Summary Notes • CONCLUSIONS • Significance for the Future Notes ...
Strana
... Clinton doctrine of using military force to promote human rights in the world , the military's inherent resistance to such nontradi- tional missions has garnered little attention . My paper , which was originally written in 1999 to ...
... Clinton doctrine of using military force to promote human rights in the world , the military's inherent resistance to such nontradi- tional missions has garnered little attention . My paper , which was originally written in 1999 to ...
Strana 36
... Clinton and Secretary Albright , has classic liberal roots — concern for ... Clinton to take early action in Kosovo to protect the lives and human rights of ... doctrine of humanitarian intervention has two parts : 9 The use of force on ...
... Clinton and Secretary Albright , has classic liberal roots — concern for ... Clinton to take early action in Kosovo to protect the lives and human rights of ... doctrine of humanitarian intervention has two parts : 9 The use of force on ...
Strana 38
... Clinton Doctrine , ' ” National Security Studies Quarterly IV , issue 2 ( Spring 1998 ) : 58 . 8. Ibid . , 53 . 9. Michael Mandelbaum , “ A Perfect Failure , ” Foreign Affairs 78 , no . 5 ( September – October 1999 ) , 5 ; Weller , 217 ...
... Clinton Doctrine , ' ” National Security Studies Quarterly IV , issue 2 ( Spring 1998 ) : 58 . 8. Ibid . , 53 . 9. Michael Mandelbaum , “ A Perfect Failure , ” Foreign Affairs 78 , no . 5 ( September – October 1999 ) , 5 ; Weller , 217 ...
Strana 46
... Clinton Doctrine . ' ” National Security Studies Quarterly 4 , issue 2 ( Spring 1998 ) : 51–63 . Holsti , Ole R. “ A Widening Gap between the US Military and Civilian Society ? ” International Security 23 , no . 3 ( Winter 1998/1999 ) ...
... Clinton Doctrine . ' ” National Security Studies Quarterly 4 , issue 2 ( Spring 1998 ) : 51–63 . Holsti , Ole R. “ A Widening Gap between the US Military and Civilian Society ? ” International Security 23 , no . 3 ( Winter 1998/1999 ) ...
Běžně se vyskytující výrazy a sousloví
Allison B-list balance of power C-list chapter civil-military relations Civil-Military Relations Cambridge Civilian Society Clinton Doctrine conflict conservatism conservative philosophy conservative realism conservative worldview Cuban Missile Crisis decision to intervene Defense Dennis Reimer doctrine Essence of Decision fight foreign policy Graham Allison Holsti human rights Huntington Huntington's claim Ibid ideological gap individual Institute for Security international relations Internet intervening militarily intervention in Kosovo Javier Solana joint chiefs mili militarily in Kosovo Military and Civilian military leaders military mind Military Resistance military’s Military/Civilian National Security nonveteran civilian leaders officer corps on-line Operation Allied Force organization’s Organizational Behavior Model paper prepared Pentagon resistance percent of nonveteran Policy Goals Politics of Civil-Military prepared for Triangle President raison d’état Republican resistance to humanitarian resisted military Secretary Security Studies Soldier sources Stockholm University survival or vital Theory and Politics threats tional tive Triangle Institute values vital national interests war’s Weinberger Doctrine Wheaton Widening Gap
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Strana 27 - But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts — for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments...
Strana 10 - Regimes can be defined as sets of implicit or explicit principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures around which actors expectations converge in a given area of international relations.
Strana 27 - ... we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free.
Strana 37 - Our objective is to prevent more human suffering and more repression and violence against the civilian population of Kosovo.
Strana 30 - First, the United States should not commit forces to combat overseas unless the particular engagement or occasion is deemed vital to our national interest or that of our allies.
Strana 40 - A democratic definition of the national interest does not accept the distinction between a morality-based and an interest-based foreign policy. Moral values are simply intangible interests.
Strana 21 - If we do not know courage we cannot accomplish our purpose; and this age is an age which looks forward, not backward; which rejects the standard of national selfishness that once governed the counsels of nations, and demands that they shall give way to a new order of things in which only the question will be: Is it right?
Strana 31 - yes," then we must win. If the answers are "no," then we should not be in combat. (5) Fifth, before the US commits combat forces abroad, there must be some reasonable assurance we will have the support of the American people and their elected representatives in Congress.
Strana 14 - The military ethic emphasizes the permanence, irrationality, weakness, and evil in human nature. It stresses the supremacy of society over the individual and the importance of order, hierarchy, and division of function.
Strana 31 - If we do decide to commit forces to combat overseas, we should have clearly defined political and military objectives. And we should know precisely how our forces can accomplish those clearly defined objectives. And we should have and send the forces needed to do just that. As Clausewitz wrote, "No one starts a...