publican friends, standing without full fellowship with any party; like Micawber, he seems to be "waiting for something to turn up."

When anti-Masonry died, there was no funeral eulogy, like that delivered by Mr. Seward over the Whig party when he and his friends had struck it down. There were no mourners-the passing into the Whig party promising joy instead of sorrow; nor was a monument raised, or epitaph written, to record the public good it had achieved, or to perpetuate its memory. That party never professed or cherished one democratic principle. It is remembered for the discord it produced, and the human happiness it destroyed.

1

Those who then most fiercely denounced secret societies are now the founders and members of many societies whose sole purpose is to control the politics of the country and continue power in the hands of the revolutionary portion of the Republican party. Loyal leagues and other kindred secret societies are banded together for the identical purpose-controlling the elections and defeating the Democracy-that anti-Masonic combinations were formed. The present secret, bloody, oath-bound societies will give way to others when the necessities of waning politicians shall require it. They are the weapons used to defeat equal rights and those benevolent principles upon which the Democratic party is founded. Patriotic citizenship requires no secrecy. Secret political asssociations indicate a dying party. Anti-Masonry struck a furious but feeble blow, the rebound of which destroyed itself, leaving nothing but a stain where it stood. An outspoken, bold political party, like the old Federal and the late Whig parties, will always find honest admirers and sincere followers; but those like the anti-Masonic, which rests upon passion, prejudice, discord, and hatred among kindred, without the shadow of honest principle to stand upon, will never command the respect of mankind, nor be remembered but to be detested.

64.-INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS BY THE GOVERNMENT.

Ambitious men have ever been fruitful in schemes to attract attention and secure favorable consideration of the masses, from

which many have derived high advantages. From the days when Washington recommended canals in Virginia, and George Clinton to improve certain streams in New York, roads and canals have been favorite objects with the American people. No reference is made to either in the national Constitution, because that instrument was designed to secure only such objects as the States could not individually accomplish. Not finding in it any expressed power on the subject, it was soon sought to obtain, by construction, the desired authority. When the War of 1812 was ended, and business again resumed, sundry politicians became prominent in soliciting appropriations for various improvements. At first, surveys for roads and canals were asked for and obtained. Just before going out of office, Mr. Monroe vetoed a bill to extend and repair the Cumberland Road. But during Mr. Adams's administration Congress made grants for canal purposes to Indiana, Illinois, and to a company in Alabama, and appropriated money to take stock in the Louisville and Portland Canal, around the Ohio Falls, and in the Dismal Swamp Canal, and the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, all of which was so much money thrown away. When General Jackson came in, a bill was passed requiring a subscription to the Maysville Road, which he vetoed as unconstitutional. He concurred with Mr. Monroe, who said that the power over the subject of roads and canals was claimed to be incidental and derived

"1st. From the right to establish post-offices and post-roads. 2d. From the right to declare war. 3d. To regulate commerce. 4th. To pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare. 5th. From the power to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution all the powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or office thereof. 6th, and lastly. From the power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations. respecting the territory and other property of the United States. According to my judgment it cannot be derived from either of those powers, nor from all of them united, and in consequence it does not exist."

An attempt was subsequently made to discriminate between.

what were called national works and those of a local or State character. But men would never agree upon the question whether a specific work belonged to the one class or the other. Until the Constitution makes the distinction and defines it, there will be perpetual conflict on the subject. When the States considered the consequences of making internal improvements by the national Government they generally ceased to desire it, and made the necessary improvements for themselves. In order to construct a road, or canal, by the national Government, it must make its surveys, take and appropriate such land as it chooses, and in such places as it pleases; must have a multitude of national laws concerning management, protection and tolls, and penalties provided for offences growing out of them; and an army of national agents, not accountable to the State for their acts. However oppressive all this might be, the people would have no remedy within reach or control. With a thousand roads and canals on hand, it would require an army of officials to look after them; and with millions upon millions invested, the Government would be likely to find its revenues from them all absorbed before reaching the Treasury. It is fortunate for the country that the stand taken by General Jackson was so far approved that this system was soon abandoned. If it had been continued, only the sagacious and designing few would have benefited by it. The multitude would not have profited to the extent of their taxes to institute and carry on the system. States and private companies have made all necessary roads and canals. Railroads, not then known, are superseding canals and turnpikes to a great extent. The object of the system was, not to promote the common interest of all, as many States had done all that was needed for themselves, but to advance various local interests, and particularly to light the way to the presidency by those who could not reach it short of laying the national Treasury under contribution. When constructed at the expense of the national Government, they were called "roads and canals to the presidency." In the States there were numerous meritorious and highly useful public works that were an honor to those who conceived and pushed them to completion. But there were others of different character, which have

hardly kept themselves in repair, and have paid but little more than superintendence. Numerous others of a similar character were vigorously pressed upon State Legislatures.

In 1825 Governor Clinton specially mentioned a large number of localities where canals might be constructed, and invited the attention of the Legislature of New York to them, who by law provided for surveying seventeen of them, which naturally excited hopes and created the expectations of the people residing and owning lands there or near by. At the session of 1827 it became the duty of Silas Wright, as chairman of the Committee on Canals in the State Senate, to report upon the subject of canals, when a multitude of cases was before the Legislature. He laid down three propositions, which he adhered to through his life, which were sustained by his political friends: "First, the practicability of making a canal upon the route proposed, and of obtaining a supply of water sufficient for its use; second, the ability of the State to sustain the expense, or the resources from which the work is to be carried on; third, the importance of the work, and the promise of its utility, and consequently income, to reimburse the treasury for the expense of making it."

The adoption of this report killed off the whole of these applications, and for many years the principles thus declared guided the action of the State authorities. The advent of Mr. Seward, as Governor, revived all these dormant and other similar schemes. He informed the Legislature that New York was dozing, and falling behind Pennsylvania and other States in the progress of improvements. He proposed to borrow $4,000,000 a year, for ten years, and thus create a debt of $40,000,000, to be devoted to the construction of railroads and canals, so that there should be one within five miles of every man's door. Here was a high and broad bid for continuance in and elevation to the higher power. Partially carrying out his projected improvements so affected the finances of the State, that its credit sank far below par, and occasioned the political revolution which brought Governor Bouck into office, and caused the rigid financial policy of 1842, now found in the constitution of 1846, the work of that firm, able, and honest man, Michael Hoffman.

It is one of the principles of action of the anti-Democratic party, so to use the people's money as to secure power and continuance in its exercise, and to tax the masses in order to carry out their schemes, whether of attaining and enjoying political power, or their speculations in corner lots, or other expedients for the accumulation of wealth. A pure, able, and just democratic government is all the people really need, or want, which will carry out all enterprises, having in view the welfare and protection of the whole community with strict economy.

65.-VETO OF THE UNITED STATES BANK.

The charter of the Bank of the United States, granted in 1816, would expire in 1836. Its career had been one of elevations and depressions, greatly injurious to the general good. The scenes of 1819, given elsewhere, were reënacted, but with less injury, at different periods of its career. Strict constructionists of the Constitution had ever held its charter void, as well as impolitic. The late Colonel Benton was the first in Congress, and the present writer in New York, to take ground publicly against it. General Jackson had freely given his warnings concerning it. His reëlection was coming on, and the effect of the union of all parties, National Republican, anti-Masonic, and sundry political fragments, was yet uncertain. The wealth and power of the bank, through its branches, officers, debtors, and those seeking its favor, induced the belief that it would become an important, and probably, controlling ally.

The alliance was formed, and the challenge of the bank and the old National Republican party was accepted by General Jackson and the Democratic party. The Constitution provided for making our own coins, and those of other foreign countries, the money of our country. The bank claimed that its paper was worth as much as gold and silver,-which old-fashioned men believed the only lawful currency. The issues between the bank and its Democratic adversaries were thus presented. The Democrats said:

1. The national Constitution does not authorize Congress to grant any charter outside the District of Columbia, for any purpose.