as any other person; and often, when any pressing emergency seemed to him to require it, contented himself with only from two to four hours of rest and sleep in twenty-four. With his retentive memory, and such persevering industry, he was seldom found wanting in complete preparation to meet and discuss any question. that arose. After making an off-hand speech, he has been known to report it himself verbatim, without changing a word in his manuscript. His great devotion to business was often mistaken for coldness or haughty reserve. He never stooped to petty expedients to carry a point. He deemed his publicly-expressed reasons as quite sufficient to satisfy the minds of others why he acted. He often moved measures alone when others would not or dared not follow, and time usually proved him to be right.

When he believed himself right he did not hesitate to move, even alone, as in the case of his first attack on the Bank of the United States. This proves, that he was far more devoted to principle than to expediency and policy. He seldom quoted the authority of names, relying more upon reasoning and illustrations from history. He was remarkable for self-possession, and the fearlessness with which he spoke and voted. He was a fast friend and a vigorous opponent, whom few wished to encounter. He was no friend of needless forms and ceremonies, but always adhered to such etiquette as he believed necessary to support the dignity of his senatorial position. As members of the Cabinet could not become such without the consent of the Senate, and as foreign ministers did not rank above them, he never made the first call upon either, except when business demanded it.

No Senator was ever more familiar with our public affairs, or was more felt in their discussion. He did not sustain President Adams during his administration, but he gave General Jackson, Mr. Van Buren, and Mr. Polk most hearty support. He headed those who resisted the efforts of the Bank of the United States to obtain a recharter, and defended with irresistible force General Jackson's vetoes, removal of the deposits, and Specie Circular. He united cordially with Silas Wright in his efforts to establish our Treasury upon a solid basis, and to divorce the State from banks, as recommended by Mr. Van Buren. He resisted both the f

Secretary of the Treasured equality of rights and bur

76.-DISTRIBUTION OF THE PUBLIC LANDS, AND LAND HALKS

Since the establishment of the Government there has #hom been a time when some politician, or political party, has been engaged in fostering or executing plans to secure improves yo tion by the use or management of our public rewroz, strong element among the anti-democratic principem, organization of the Western States, down to ner his g time, there have been large bodies of public lands within their limits; while, at the same time, these States have important, if not a preponderant influence in predendal Saruna, Hence, whoever secured the support of the presidential contest with a respectable capital. disappoint no one to learn that there have be made to secure their good-will. During the Jackson's administration, Mr. Calhoun brong the cession of all the public lands to the State in wipe tang by, to be sold by them at graduated priesa, renting

1835-236, and added fuel to increase their burning. The surplus on hand became large, and the question arose, "How shall it be disposed of?" General Jackson preferred that it should be used in fortifications, in favor of which, General Cass, Secretary of War, made an able report. Some desired to improve the navigation of rivers and harbors, while not a few desired the Government to construct new harbors in aid of their speculations. But nothing definite was agreed upon.

In June, 1836, a bill establishing a system of depositing public moneys in State banks was before Congress. Sections, directing a distribution among the States, in form of deposits with the States, were proposed, under which the sovereign States apparently became the agents and money-keeping servants of the national Government. The provision covered all the moneys then on hand but five million dollars. The writer moved to except from the operation of the bill the money already appropriated, and sustained his views in a short speech. On this amendment, Mr. Hamer, from Ohio, demanded the yeas and which were refused, and the proposed amendment was rejected.

nays,

The bill passed the Senate on the 18th of June, 1836, by yeas 40, and nays 6-Benton, Black, Cuthburt, Grundy, Walker, and Wright. It passed the House on the 22d of June-yeas, 155, nays 38. Fourteen of the latter were from New York, including the writer, and two from New Hampshire, including ex-President Pierce.

Undoubtedly some members believed that this was a real deposit act and that the States would consent to become deposit agents, and upon no other ground can many votes be accounted for. But that such was not the object, and that the States so understood it, cannot now be questioned. Some States refused to receive, others distributed per capita, and others applied the amount received in different ways. No interest was to be paid for the deposit, which has not to this day been called for, and no one expects it ever will be. New York added her share of this distribution to her common-school fund, applying the interest derived to the use of common schools.

It is possible that Congress thought that the then twenty-five

States omprised in the Union vonii ronstitute that number of god må bedient iscal vents: but, were it not for the devated thameter of me voting or this measure, it will be lifi nit to Selere it. An innan a seemed to seize on the minds of men, completely precluding them from reasoning freely and accuWithin a few days, many who had voted for the bill expressed their deep meats. Those who voted against it nowhere received censure, but generally the reverse.

This act organize-i the State bank system of deposits, which had not been previously legalized by Congress. Land and other speenlation inernased with the deposits in these banks—a fiatal ernsequence of their connection with the Government. Within less than a year they il pieded, carrying with them nearly every hack in the United States. The Government ecu'd only use the paper of specie-paying banks, and could deposit in none which Dd not so redeem. The Government, with nominal miBons on deposit in the posit banks, had not a dollar it con'd lavfill use. The deposit-bank system blew up, and was not worth rena ring. The Goverment was financially at a stand still. Money, which a year before was so plenty as almost to burst the Treasury, had to be sent to the States to be kirt, and would answer no lavill purpose under the Constitution. The situation of President Vin Baren, who had just previously entered upon his dities, was extremely embarrassing. The abundant resources of the previous year had disappeared, and he was without means. But daty required action, and he was not the man to shrink from it. He issued a proclamation convening Congress, on the 4th of September, 1937, which was the earliest practicable day after the Tennessee and other Southwestern elections. An earlier day would have left some States without representation. The country was full of projected remedies. The friends of the United States Bank insisted that a recharter of that institution would remedy the evils. But Mr. Van Buren understood too well the cause of the suspension of specie payments, and the liability of frequent occurrence, to trust to that or any other banking corporations for remedy. He knew that the United States Bank was one of the causes of present difficulties by its irregular action and crippled