nearly his whole time, withdrawing his attention from his profession. The death of his wife's father, John R. Bleecker, of Albany, soon afterwards added to his cares in the management of property, and substantially withdrew him from all professional pursuits. The new duties devolved upon him tended to sharpen his faculties in matters of business, and led to great readiness in his understanding and elucidating practical questions of business and finance. In these few, if any, excel him. Like his ancestors, he is a Democrat, not in name merely, but because he sympathizes with that party, and heartily endorses its principles. He sees that they rest on the true theory of self-government. They give the citizen protection for his person, character and property, and allow him to pursue happiness in his own way. A Government based upon such principles is unseen and unfelt except in the protection of the citizen. At 1841, at the age of thirty, he consented to the use of his name for Member of Assembly, and was triumphantly elected. On taking his seat, notwithstanding his retiring and modest deportment, he was compelled, by circumstances, to act a leading part upon the more important questions of the session. Among his associates in that body were Michael Hoffman, John A. Dix, George R. Davis, and Lemuel Stetson." The great measure of the session was Mr. Hoffman's bill for regulating the finances of the State, which had become greatly deranged. Its credit-stocks-was then selling at a heavy depreciation, bringing only seventy-eight cents on the dollar, and not in demand at that price, when the State wished to raise money. In the discussions on this bill, Mr. Seymour took an active part, proving himself to be a clear-headed financier, and an able and ready debater. This bill became a law, and, in 1846, was substantially mcorporated into the amended constitution of the State.

Although Utica continued a whig city, Mr. Seymour was personally so popular that he was elected Mayor in the spring of 1842, and in the fall re-elected to the Assembly. During the session of 1844 the question of the re-election of Governor Bouck was in different ways involved, Mr. Seymour and Mr. Hoffman occupying different sides. Mr. Seymour's constituents were satisfied with his support of the Governor, and re-elected him in the fall.

Mr. Seymour was, at the opening of the session, elected Speaker of the Assembly. He presided with great dignity, impartiality, and success. He sustained Daniel S. Dickinson for United States Senator. He has not since been a member of any legislative body. He resumed the practice of the law in Utica, and devoted himself to the duties of his profession, engaging but little in political matters. But when in 1850, the legislature passed a law for the enlargement and improvement of the Erie Canal, in violation of the provisions of the Constitution, he made earnest and stubborn resistence. His strenuous opposition to that unconstitutional measure induced the Democrats to nominate him for Governor, to run against Washington Hunt. He failed in his election by only 262 votes. He was re-nominated in 1852, and was elected over Hunt by 24,385, and over him and Minthorne Tompkins, by a majority of 5,086. This was a signal triumph. His administration was popular, and the affairs of the State were conducted with ability, tact, and good judgment. It was during this term that he vetoed the notorious Maine law. The correctness of his views as to the constitutional power of the Legislature to pass sumptuary laws, has since been fully established by a formal decision of the New York Court of Appeals.

In 1854 Mr. Seymour was nominated for re-election by the Democracy. The Republicans nominated Myron H. Clark, the Americans, Daniel Ullman, and the hard-shell Democrats, Greene C. Bronson. The Democratic party being divided, Mr. Seymour was defeated. Mr. Clark was elected only by a plurality of 309. Mr. Seymour, by this defeat, lost nothing in the estimation of his friends. Had the Democratic party been united, his success would have been certain. Although he took a deep interest in whatever concerned the Democratic party, and the interests and welfare of his native State, Mr. Seymour was measurably withdrawn from political life, and resumed his professional pursuits with zeal and ardor, and intending to continue in them.

The Democracy of New York, however, in 1862 put him again in nomination for Governor, running against General Wadsworth. He was elected by a majority of 10,752. He entered upon his duties on the first of January, 1863. It was during this term of

two years that he rendered the National Government services so important as to attract great attention and give him a high reputation throughout the Union. These services, and his high character for talents, integrity and administrative ability, have made him the candidate of the Democratic party for the Presidency. He has richly earned this token of their confidence and esteem. At his inauguration on that occasion, he said:

"Fellow citizens: In your presence I have solemnly sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, with all its grants, restrictions and guaranties, and I shall support it.

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"I have also sworn to support another constitution, the Constitution of the State of New York, with all its powers and rights. I shall uphold it.

"I have sworn faithfully to perform the duties of the office of Governor of this State, and with your aid they shall be faithfully performed. These constitutions and laws are meant for the guidance of official conduct, and for your protection and welfare.

"These constitutions do not conflict; the line of separation between the responsibilities and obligations which each imposes is well defined. They do not embarrass us in the performance of our duties as citizens or officials."

His views concerning the preservation of the Union were soon after given to the Legislature in these words:

"Under no circumstances can the division of the Union be conceded. We will put forth every exertion of power; we will use every policy of conciliation; we will hold out every inducement to the people of the South to return to their allegiance, consistent with honor; we will guarantee them every right, every consideration demanded by the Constitution, and by that fraternal regard which must prevail in a common country; but we can never voluntarily consent to the breaking up of the Union of these States, or the destruction of the Constitution."

Actuated by such sentiments, Governor Seymour entered upon his arduous duties, and most ably and faithfully performed them through his whole term.

At this time, New York constituted one-fifth of the whole population of the nation not actually in rebellion, and over one-fourth

of those firmly in and supporting it. Governor Seymour had resting upon him the double duty of sustaining the Federal Government and protecting the Empire City, which, with its commerce was at the mercy of rebel cruisers, the national troops having been despatched elsewhere. He promptly answered every call of the National Government, manifested so much tact, skill and energy that no enemy approached his State. The summer of 1863, when Lee was penetrating Pennsylvania, was the most critical period of the war. President Lincoln, Secretary Stanton and Governor Curtin were calling upon him for help to protect the capital of that State. With incomparable promptness and energy, he wielded the power of the State, sent forward his thousands upon thousands of volunteers, and saved Pennsylvania, Baltimore and Washington. But for his herculean labors, Lee would not have been checked and driven back to Virginia from Gettysburgh. We do not say too much, when we state that the battle of Gettysburgh would have been lost but for the promptitude and untiring energy of Governor Seymour. There was a celerity of movement of the New York volunteers which startled the enemy and astonished everybody. An experienced military chieftain could not have done more. At that time President Lincoln, Mr. Stanton and the whole nation not in rebellion, were complimenting him. When the New York troops were all forwarded to Gettysburgh, an officer of Governor Seymour's staff called upon the President to take leave, the latter, in the fullness of his heart, and taking him by both hands, said: "I wish you to understand that you cannot possibly use words too warm to convey to Governor Seymour my thankfulness for his prompt and efficient help given the Government in this crisis."

On the 16th of June, 1863, Mr. Stanton telegraphed to the Governor, "The President directs me to return his thanks, with those of the Department, for your prompt response."

On the 19th of June, he telegraphed Governor Seymour's efficient Adjutant-General Sprague: "The President directs me to return his thanks to his excellency, Governor Seymour and his staff for their energetic and prompt action."

On the 27th of June, Mr. Stanton telegraphed Governor Seymour: "Dear sir,-I cannot forbear expressing to you the deep

obligation I feel for the prompt and candid support you have given to the Government in the present emergency. The energy, activity and patriotism you have exhibited, I may be permitted personally and officially to acknowledge, without arrogating any personal claims on my part to such service or to any service whatever. I shall be happy to be always esteemed your friend." Such language places Governor Seymour on the high ground where Mr. Madison and his cabinet placed Governor Tompkins. Each as Governor of New York, had carried a national administration through a perilous crisis and protected the nation. Educated and experienced military men of the highest rank and ability could have done no more. The nation owes Governor Seymour a debt for civil-military services scarcely exceeded by those of the most successful military commander. The people will soon pass judgment upon them. They will doubtless determine that he is equal to any emergency, in either civil or military affairs, which can occur in our government and place him at the head of the Government.

But a cloud arose. The wide-spread commendations of Governor Seymour excited alarm among Republican politicians, who desired a continuance of the war and the administration, as the means of filling pockets troubled with "an aching void." They wished the road to the treasury kept open, and guarded by sentinels who would be blind when they wished to enter. Governor Seymour's rigid honesty and piercing scrutiny threatened to defeat all their cherished plans if elected president. He had too strong a hold upon the public confidence not to awaken their fears. He was dreaded and feared as one who might successfully compete for the presidency. Among those whose patriotism and loyalty were confined to obtaining office and plundering the treasury, it was decreed that he should be crucified because of his dangerous popularity. Every engine which the love of plunder and political malignity could invent was aimed at him. The Democracy of the State came in for their share of this feeling. Congress had ordered, on the 3d of March, 1863, a heavy draft-300,000-for the army. After Pennsylvania had been saved, the administration determined to press on this draft in New York, against the earnest protest of Governor Seymour, who avowed his ability to fill the quota of the