a place he held until 1779, when he was elected a delegate to Congress. In the Council he early exhibited extraordinary capacity in the preparation of documents, and soon acquired great skill and ability in debate. He was found the most useful member of the Council, as he was in Congress, after he took his seat in that body.

After serving in Congress, and again in the State Legislature, Mr. Madison was elected a member of the convention to prepare a Constitution for the Union, where his knowledge, skill, and efficiency in debate made him the leader of those devoted to democratic principles, as Hamilton was of those of an opposite character. His labors were so efficient and successful, that he was rightfully called the Father of the Constitution. When that instrument was before the Virginia Convention for its consideration, he defended it, as he had done in a large number of articles then published, which, with others, are now called The Federalist. When the new Government was formed, and went into operation, in 1789, he was elected to Congress, to aid in putting it in motion, according to the intentions of the framers of the Constitution and the people, whose agents adopted it. He continued in Congress until 1797-a period of eight years, during which political parties under the Constitution were formed, each representing political principles which to this day are in full operation. Madison, following the instincts of an active and pure benevolence, was, and remained, a Democrat throughout his life. Hamilton, and his associates, by instinct, believed that mankind could not govern themselves, and that the knowing few should rule and guide the ignorant many; and their successors still believe in these principles and enforce them whenever they have the power to do so.

When Jefferson came in as President, Madison became Secretary of State, and continued eight years, when he was elected President, receiving 122 votes over C. C. Pinckney, who had 89. He retired from the presidency on the 4th of March, 1817, after having sustained our country in a three years' war with Great Britain, which was closed on the plains of New Orleans, January 8, 1815, in "a blaze of glory." Many of the incidents

of this war, illustrating our political theories, will be hereafter given.

On leaving public life, Mr. Madison retired to his estate at Montpelier, in Virginia, where he enjoyed the esteem and respect. of mankind during a period of twenty years. Such was the purity of his character and his conceded high motives, that during this period few even of the arrows of Federalism were aimed at him. It is now conceded that Mr. Madison's state papers are among the ablest and best written of any produced in our own or any other country. Not a useful or proper word was omitted, nor a useless one inserted. If he was not as warm-hearted and sympathetic as Jefferson, he was as wise, prudent, and unselfish. Like Jefferson, he was opposed to pomp, display, and ceremonies both in public and in private. Like Jefferson, he was in principle a Democrat, without alloy.

21.-THE DECLARATION OF WAR.

In imposing the embargo, Jefferson and his friends sought to avoid war, with its expenses and destruction. They sought to impress it upon the public mind, that a surrender of the embargo must end in national disgrace or war. Many Federalists professed to prefer war with all its certain calamities and doubtful results to continuing it, with its inconvenience. They declared the Democrats had no idea of war, whatever might happen, but were obeying the bidding of the Emperor of France for the benefit of his country, or to aid him in his merciless wars. Mr. Quincy, in a speech in Congress, declared that the Government could not be "kicked into a war." The same sentiment was, at different periods, proclaimed by other Federal members. The effort was to spread a belief that the Democrats dare not fight, and did not intend to do so, however much the country might be insulted.

The Boston Repertory said: "My life on it, our Executive has no more idea of declaring war than my grandmother. . . . Our Government will not make war on Great Britain, but will keep up a constant irritation, on some pretence or other, for the sake of maintaining influence as a party. . . . We are firmly per

...

suaded that the majority in Congress do not mean to declare war at present, that they dare not, and that all their threats are contemptible vaporing."

The Philadelphia Gazette said, "They shrink from it, . . . . they are frightened as the aspect becomes a little serious, and wish to go home and think about it."

The Baltimore Federal Gazette said: "If you think that a vote to raise 25,000 men looks like a war, quiet your apprehensions. You do not understand what is here called management. There will, as I believe, be no war. The war-whoop, the orders in council, the non-importation, the Presidential caucusing, will vanish before summer." A thousand similar extracts might be found and presented.

But when the declaration of war was recommended by Mr. Madison, every Federalist voted against it. The whole party raised its voice against it. Every form and variety of denunciation was heard against those who voted for, or approved the declaration. To say it was wicked and unjust, was too moderate an expression for the more violent.

David Osgood, a Massachusetts clergyman, said in his pulpit: "The strong prepossessions of so great a portion of my fellow-citizens in favor of a race of demons and against a nation of more religion, virtue, good faith, generosity, and benevolence than any that now is or ever has been upon the face of the earth, wring my soul with anguish and fill my heart with apprehensions and terror of the judgments of Heaven upon this sinful people. . . . If, at the command of weak and wicked rulers, they undertake an unjust war, each man who volunteers his service in such a cause or loans his money for its support, or, by his conversation or writings or any other mode of influence, encourages its prosecution, that man is an accomplice in the wickedness, loads his conscience with the blackest crimes, brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, and in the sight of God and His law is a murderer."

Dr. Gardiner, a Boston clergyman, said: "It is a war unexampled in the history of the world; wantonly proclaimed on the most frivolous and groundless pretences, against a nation from whose friendship we might derive the most signal advantages and

from whose hostility we have reason to dread the most tremendous losses."

Mr. Quincy, a Massachusetts member, who, before the declaration, said our Government could not be "kicked into a war," delivered a speech in the House, characterized by great virulence and bitterness, in which he manifested his venom for the Democracy, and especially those who were foreign-born. "It is not for such a man (as himself) to hesitate or swerve a hair's breadth from his country's purpose and true interests, because of the yelpings, the howlings, and snarlings of that hungry pack which corrupt men keep directly or indirectly in pay, with the view of hunting down every man who dare develop their purposes; a pack composed, it is true, of some native curs, but for the most part of hounds and spaniels of very recent importation, whose backs are scored by the lash, and whose necks are sore with the collars of their former masters."

Tallmadge, of Connecticut, spoke in a similar strain, and among other things said: "When he reflected on these awful and solemn events, he could not but weep for his infatuate country, and if he had an angel's voice he would call on every rational creature in these United States, and entreat them to pause and consider before our country's doom should be forever sealed."

A volume of like outpourings might be collected.

Henry Clay, then a young Democratic member, answered this class of speeches with great spirit and force. He said: "If gentlemen would only reserve for their own Government half the sensibility which is indulged in for that of Great Britain, they would find much less to condemn. Restriction after restriction has been tried; negotiation has been resorted to, until further negotiation would have been disgraceful. While these peaceful experiments are undergoing a trial, what is the conduct of the opposition? They are the champions of war-the proud, the spirited, the sole repository of the nation's honor-the men of exclusive vigor and energy. The Administration, on the contrary, was weak, feeble, and pusillanimous incapable of being kicked into a war.' Thev are for war and no restrictions when the Ad

ministration is for peace. They are for peace and restrictions when the Administration is for war.”

This was one of Mr. Clay's proudest efforts, in which he convicted the Federalists of double false pretences—all to get into power again.

22.-THE ANTI-DEMOCRATS ENDEAVORED TO PREVENT LOANS AND ENLISTMENTS.

All know that money is the sinews of war. Without it, armies cannot be raised, equipped, or kept in the field, nor vesselsof-war prepared and kept in service. In 1812 the Government was without ready money. Its hopes of success, to a very considerable extent, depended upon borrowing. Congress voted taxes, but it required much time to assess and collect them. It could vote loans, but they could only be taken by those who could command ready means. The banks of New England, having an abundance of means, refused to lend a dollar. The New York banks, and those south of these, lent freely, but soon became exhausted. New England institutions, by way of punishment for lending the Government, pressed them and forced them into the suspension of specie payments.

We have seen that a leader in the New England pulpit denounced loaning to the Government as murder in the eyes of Heaven. They sought "to stop the wheels of Government by draining the banks in the Middle and Southern States of their specie, and thus producing an utter disability to fulfil the loans." The Federalists in the press and pulpit generally acted in harmony in opposing loans. Such was the vindictiveness and fury of the Federal party, that those advertising for loans deemed it prudent to pledge themselves not to disclose the names of the subscribers.

The Boston Gazette said: "Any Federalist who lends money to the Government must go and shake hands with James Madi son and claim fellowship with Felix Grundy. Let him no more call himself a Federalist and friend to his country, He will be called infamous by others. It is very gratifying to find that the universal sentiment is, that any man, who lends