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reduced so as to stand somewhere between two & three thousand dollars. I thought it best to apprize you of everything. Gallatin mentions a very neces

hope, as it would once more place you within reach of Monticello. I understand from Mr. Gallatin that the circumstance which renders necessary the residence of the officer in the vicinity of Richmond is the occasional transfer of stock, to which his signature is indispensable, and that these transfers being suspended some time before and after quarter day, admits an absence of 3 or 4 weeks at each of these periods."

Page was accordingly appointed to this office, but his ill-health made even its duties hard to him, and Jefferson presently wrote him.

"MONTICELLO, Sep. 6, '08.

"MY DEAR FRIEND,- In the midst of life, we are in death,' so has said some great moralist, and so says truth even for the young and how much rather for us who have closed our thirteenth lustre ! I have, moreover, heard that you have been particularly afflicted by want of health latterly, insomuch as to make it probable the indispensable attentions to your office are burthensome to you. Would it be a relief to transfer the office to your son Francis for your use with an understanding thut it should afterwards continue with him for the benefit of the family? Or would you rather retain it in your own name during your life, with the probability (for we cannot be certain of what is distant) that he will succeed you for the same family benefit? Decide on this my friend, according to your own wishes, and if the execution falls within the compass of my time and powers, count upon it with the sacred confidence which your merits, my affections, and the gratitude of our country will justify. God bless you, and give you health of days. He shall do better for you."

Page continued to hold this office till his death, but he was offered another by Jefferson at one time, in the following letter.

"WASHINGTON, June 10, '07.

"MY DEAR FRIEND,—This letter is entirely confidential. I am warned by sollicitations for the post-office at Richmond, that it is likely to become vacant by the death of the present incumbent. The office you now hold will be abolished when our public debt shall be discharged. In consideration of this circumstance, of the comparative emoluments and labor and confinement of the two offices, will you make up your mind whether you would prefer being transferred to the other place, and be so good as to inform me of your choice as soon as you can have decided on it. It will be desirable to me to cut short applications by filling the place the moment I know it is vacant. Present me respectfully to Mrs. Page, and with the assurance of my constant attachment and respect, accept my friendly salutations."

sary caution against trusting the merchants beyond the time of their bonds so as to make yourself responsible. Mr. Gallatin says the office at Norfolk is not near so profitable as that of Petersburg.

TO THE U. S. MINISTER TO FRANCE.
(ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.)

J. MSS.

WASHINGTON, Mar. 16, 1802.

DEAR SIR-Your favor of Dec. 26, was received the 5th inst. and one of a later date to the Secretary of state has been communicated to me. The present is intended as a commentary on my letter to you of Aug. 28. When I wrote that letter I did not harbor a doubt that the disposition on that side the water was as cordial, as I knew ours to be. I thought it important that the agents between us should be such as both parties would be willing to open themselves to freely. I ought to have expressed in that letter the distinction between the two characters therein named, which really existed in my mind. Of one of them I thought nothing good. As to the other (whom you mention to be the real one contemplated) I considered him well disposed to this country, but not towards its political principles. I had confidence in him to a certain extent; but that confidence had limits. I thought a slight hint of this might have had some effect on the choice of an agent. But the dispositions now understood to exist there, impose of themselves limits to the openness of our communications, and bring us within the extent of that reposed in the agent under consideration. Consequently it is adequate to all the purposes for which it will be used. I wish you therefore not only to suggest nothing against his mission, but on the contrary to impress him that it will be agreeable, and even desirable, which is the truth. For I firmly believe him well disposed to preserve amity between that country and this. Tho' clouds may occasionally obscure the horizon between us yet there is a fund of friendship and attachment between the mass of the two nations

which will always in time dispel those nebulosities. The present administration of this country have these feelings of their constituents, and will be true to them. We shall act steadily on the desire of cementing our interests and affections; and of this you cannot go too far in assuring them. In every event we will receive with satisfaction any missionary they chuse to send. Not being very sure of the channel of conveyance for this letter, I have explained the former one so that you will understand it: and reserve myself on other subjects to some future occasion. Accept assurances of my high esteem & consideration.

TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL.

(LEVI LINCOLN.)

J. MSS.

Mar. 24, 1802.

I had no conception there were persons enough to support a paper whose stomachs could bear such aliment as the enclosed papers contain. They are far beyond even the Washington Federalist. To punish however is impracticable until the body of the people, from whom juries are to be taken, get their minds to rights; and even then I doubt its expediency. While a full range is proper for actions by individuals, either private or public, for slanders affecting them, I would wish much to see the experiment tried of getting along without public prosecutions for libels. I believe we can do it. Patience and well doing, instead of punishment, if it can be found sufficiently efficacious, would be a happy change in the instruments of government.

Health & affectionate salutations.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

(ALBERT GALLATIN.)

J.MSS.

WASHINGTON, Apl. 1, 1802.

DEAR SIR, I have read and considered your report on the operations of the sinking fund, and entirely approve of it, as the best plan on which we can set out. I think it an object of great

importance, to be kept in view and to be undertaken at a fit season, to simplify our system of finance, and bring it within the comprehension of every member of Congress. Hamilton set out on a different plan. In order that he might have the entire government of his machine, he determined so to complicate it as that neither the President or Congress should be able to understand it, or to control him. He succeeded in doing this, not only beyond their reach, but so that he at length could not unravel it himself. He gave to the debt, in the first instance, in funding it, the most artificial and mysterious form he could devise. He then moulded up his appropriations of a number of scraps & remnants, many of which were nothing at all, and applied them to different objects in reversion and remainder, until the whole system was involved in impenetrable fog; and while he was giving himself the airs of providing for the payment of the debt, he left himself free to add to it continually, as he did in fact, instead of paying it. I like your idea of kneading all his little scraps & fragments into one batch, and adding to it a complementary sum, which, while it forms it into a single mass from which everything is to be paid, will enable us, should a breach of appropriation ever be charged on us, to prove that the sum appropriated, & more, has been applied to its specific object.

But there is a point beyond this on which I should wish to keep my eye, and to which I should aim to approach by every tack which previous arrangements force upon us. That is, to form into one consolidated mass all the moneys received into the treasury, and to the several expenditures, giving them a preference of payment according to the order in which they should be arranged. As for example. 1. The interest of the public debt. 2. Such portion of principal as are exigible. 3. The expenses of government. 4. Such other portions of principal as, thou' not. exigible, we are still free to pay when we please. The last object might be made to take up the residuum of money remaining in the treasury at the end of every year, after the three first objects were complied with, and would be the barometer whereby to test the economy of the administration. It would furnish a simple measure by which every one could mete their merit, and by which every one could decide when taxes were deficient or

superabundant. If to this can be added a simplification of the form of accounts in the treasury department, and in the organization of its officers, so as to bring everything to a single centre, we might hope to see the finances of the Union as clear and intelligible as a merchant's books, so that every member of Congress, and every man of any mind in the Union, should be able to comprehend them, to investigate abuses, and consequently to control them. Our predecessors have endeavored by intricacies of system, and shuffling the investigator over from one officer to another, to cover everything from detection. I hope we shall go in the contrary direction, and that by your honest and judicious reformations, we may be able, within the limits of our time, to bring things back to that simple & intelligible system on which they should have been organized at first.

I have suggested only a single alteration in the report, which is merely verbal & of no consequence. We shall now get rid of the commissioner of the internal revenue, & superintendent of stamps. It remains to amalgamate the comptroller & auditor into one, and reduce the register to a clerk of accounts; and then the organization will consist, as it should at first, of a keeper of money, a keeper of accounts, & the head of the department. This constellation of great men in the treasury department was of a piece with the rest of Hamilton's plans. He took his own stand as a Lieutenant General, surrounded by his Major Generals, and stationing his Brigadiers & Colonels under the name of Supervisors, Inspectors, &c., in the different States. Let us deserve well of our country by making their interests the end of all our plans, and not our own pomp, patronage and irresponsibility. I have hazarded these hasty & crude ideas, which occurred on contemplating your report. They may be the subject of future conversation and correction. Accept my affectionate salutations.

TO WILLIAM BRANCH GILES.

J. MSS.

Apr. 6, 1802.

I enclose you an extract of a letter from Mr. Brown to Mr. Lincoln under whom acting as Secretary of

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