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my head which may be useful to your son who is carrying the mamoth to Europe, I take time to hint it to you. My knowledge of the scene he will be on enables me to suggest what might not occur to him a stranger. When in a great city, he will find persons of every degree of wealth. To jumble these all into a room together I know from experience is very painful to the decent part of them, who would be glad to see a thing often, and would not regard paying every time, but that they revolt at being next with pickpockets, chimney sweeps &c. Set three different divisions of the day at three different prices, selecting for the highest when the beau monde can most conveniently attend; the 2d price when merchants and respectable citizens have most leisure, and the residue for the lower description. A few attending at the highest price will countervail many of the lowest, and be more agreeable to themselves and to him. I hope and believe you will make a fortune by the exhibition of that one, and that when tired of showing it you may sell it there for another fortune. Nobody wishes it more sincerely than I do. Accept my assurances of this and of my great esteem.

TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA,

(JAMES MONROE.)

J. MSS.

WASHINGTON, June 2, 1802.

DEAR SIR,-I observe that the resolution of the legislature of Virginia of Jan. 23 in desiring us to look out for some proper place to which insurgent negroes may be sent, expresses a preference of the continent of Africa, or some of the Spanish or Portu

guese settlements in S. America in which preference, and especially as to the former, I entirely concur. On looking towards Africa for our objects the British establishments at Sierra Leone at once presents itself. You know that that establishment was undertaken by a private company and was first suggested by the suffering state of the blacks, who were carried over to England during the revolutionary war, and who were perishing [illegible] and misery in the streets of London. A number of benevolent persons subscribed for the establishment of a company who might carry these people to the coast of Africa, and there employ them usefully for themselves, and indemnify the company by commercial operations: Sierre Leone was fixed on as the place, the blacks then in England were carried thither, and a vessel or vessels sent to Nova Scotia which carried to the same place the blacks who had gone to that country. The settlement is consequently composed of negroes formerly inhabitants of the southern states of our union. Having asked a conversation on this subject with Mr. Thornton the British charges des affaires here, he informs me the establishment is prosperous, and he thinks there will be no objection on the part of the company to receive blacks from us, not of the character of common felons, but guilty of insurgency only, provided they are sent as free persons, the principles of their institution admitting no slavery among them. I propose therefore, if it meets your approbation, to write to Mr. King our minister in London to propose this matter to the Sierre Leone company who are resident in London; and if leave can be obtained to send black insurgents there, to inquire further whether the regulations of the place would permit us to carry or take there any mercantile objects which by affording some commercial profit, might defray the expenses of the transportation. As soon as I can be favored with your sentiments on this proposition and your approbation of it I will write to Mr. King that we may have the matter finally arranged. Should any mercantile operation be permitted to be combined with the transportation of these persons, so as to lessen or to pay the expense, it might then become eligible to make that the asylum for the other description also, to wit, the freed slaves and persons of color. If not permitted, so distant a colonization of them would perhaps be thought too expensive.

But while we are ascertaining this point, we may be making inquiry what other suitable places may be found in the West Indies, or the southern continent of America, so as to have some other resource provided if the one most desirable should be unattainable. In looking out for another place we should prefer placing them with whatever power is least likely to become an enemy, and to use the knowledge of these exiles in predatory expeditions against us. Portugal and Holland would be of this character. But I wish to have your sentiments on both branches of the subject before I commit it by any actual step. Accept assurances of my affectionate and high esteem & respect.

TO CESAR A. RODNEY.

J. MSS.

WASHINGTON, June 14, 1802.

DEAR SIR, I am later in acknowledging the receipt of your favor of May 16 because it found me. at Monticello just on my departure from that place. Since my arrival here I have been in the constant hope of seeing Mr. Beckley and endeavoring to procure from his office a copy of the journals of the H. of Rep. for you. I do not know that they can be had any where else. His confinement by the remains of a fit of the gout has hitherto prevented my object, but I shall keep it in view. I have received two addresses from meetings of democratic republicans at Dover, praying the removal of Allen McLane. One of them was forwarded by Govr. Hall. The grounds are stated so generally that I cannot judge from thence whether he has done anything deserving removal since his former trial and acquittal, certainly nothing beyond that should be brought up a second time. I write this to you confidentially and ask the

favor of you to explain to me the real foundation of these applications. If he has been active in electioneering in favor of those who wish to subvert the present order of things, it would be a serious circumstance. I do not mean as to giving his personal vote, in which he ought not to be controuled; to using his influence (which necessarily includes his official influence) to sway the votes of others. I withold answering these applications till I hear from you, and may do it on ground which will not fail me. I hope you are fixed on as the republican candidate at the ensuing election for Congress. Accept assurances of my great esteem and respect.1

but as

P. S. Will you also be so good as to recommend

'On this matter of McLane Jefferson further wrote to Rodney.

"WASHINGTON June 24, 1802.

"DEAR SIR,-Your favor of the 19th and 21st was received last night. The contents of it shall be inviolably kept to myself. I shall advise with my constitutional counsellors on the application relative to Mr. McLane. Some considerations occur at once. That a trial and acquittal, where both parties are fully heard, should be deemed conclusive; that on any subsequent complaint it cannot be regular to look to anything farther back than the trial: that to do this would expose us to a charge of inconsistency which would do great injury to the republican cause; that he could not be removed only on the principle of a general removal of all federalists, a principle never yet avowed by anyone that nothing short of this would reach him because his acquittal puts him on better ground than others. There may be considerations however opposed to these, and they shall have their weight. I do not see anything charged in the papers subsequent to his former trial. Electioneering activity subsequent to that would be deemed serious. But I presume he is passive in that way. Of those who may justly claim attention in the appointment of offices, could not the places of commissioners of bankruptcy be of some avail? I have never seen, nor before heard of the piece called Love and Madness in which you mention Logan's speech to be inserted. And should be glad to see it if you have the book. We shall leave this the 22nd of July to pass the two

to me 4. commissioners of bankruptcy for Wilmington and Newcastle. Two should be lawyers and two merchants, all republicans. If one resides in Newcastle and three in Wilmington it would be desirable: but this circumstance must yield to respectability of character, which is essential.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
(ALBERT GALLATIN.)

J. MSS.

June 19, 1802.

With respect to the bank of Penna, their difficulties proceed from excessive discounts. The 3,000,000 D. due to them comprehend doubtless all the desperate debts accumulated since their institution. Their buildings should only be counted at the value of the naked ground belonging to them; because, if brought to sickly months of Aug. & Sept. somewhere off of the tide waters; myself at Monticello of course. I mention this because you speak of being here in August, and I should regret my absence. I wish your visit could rather be immediate and with the present rapidity of the stage, a flying trip from Wilmington to this place is nothing. Accept assurances of my great esteem and respect."

Jefferson also wrote to Governor Hall :

"WASHINGTON, July 6, 1802.

* When I first came into the administration complaints were exhibited against Col. McLane, and an inquiry immediately directed to be made into his conduct. Every opportunity, which could be desired, was given on both sides to the producing of testimony, and on a very full investigation he was finally acquitted. He had a right to consider that acquittal as a bar to everything anterior; and certainly according to sound principles it must be so considered. I am persuaded that the republican citizens who have concurred in these addresses would be as incapable of wishing me to do anything which should bring a just censure on the administration, as I should be from yielding to such a wish. We have no interests nor passions different from those of our fellow citizens. We have the same object, the success of representative government. Nor are we acting for ourselves alone, but for the whole human race. The event of our experiment is to shew whether man can be trusted with selfgovernment. The eyes of suffering humanity are fixed on us with anxiety as

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