itary stores from Richmond to Westham, & to throw them across the river directly at Richmond.

The Governor having attended to this till an hour and a half in the night then rode up to the foundry (1 mile below Westham) ordered Capts. Brush & Irish, & Mr. Hylton to continue all night waggoning to Westham the arms & stores still at the Foundry, to be drawn across the river at Westham, then proceeded to Westham to urge the pressing the transportation there across the river, and thence went to Tuckahoe (8 miles above & on the same side of the river) to see after his family which he had sent that far in the course of the day. He arrived there at I o'clock in the night.

Jan. 5. Early in the morning he carried his family across the river there, and sending them to Fine creek (8 miles higher up) went himself to Britton's on the S. side of the river (opposite to Westham) finding the arms &c. in a heap near the shore, & exposed to be destroyed by cannon from the North bank. He had them removed under cover of a point of land near by. He proceeded to Manchester (opposite to Richmond). The enemy had arrived at Richmond at 1 p.m. Having found that nearly the whole arms had been got there from Richmond, he set out for Chetwood's to meet with Baron Steuben, who had appointed that place as a rendezvous & headquarters; but not finding him there, & understanding he would be at Colo. Fleming's (six miles above Britton's) he proceeded thither. The enemy had now a detachment at Westham, and sent a deputation from the city of Richmond to the Governor, at Colo. Fleming's to propose terms for ransoming the safety of the city, which terms he rejected.

Jan. 6. The Governor returned to Britton's, had measures taken more effectually to secure the books & papers there. The enemy having burnt some houses & stores, left Richmond, after 24 hours stay there, & encamped at Four mile creek (8 or 10 miles below) & the Governor went to look to his family at fine creek.

Jan. 7. He returned to Britton's to see further to the arms there, exposed on the ground to heavy rains which had fallen the night before & then proceeded to Manchester, & lodged there. The enemy encamped at Westover.

Jan. 8. At half after 7 a.m. he crossed over to Richmond, &

resumed his residence there. The enemy are still retained in their encampment at Westover by an Easterly wind. Colo. John Nicholas has now 300 militia at the Forest (6 miles off from Westover,) Genl. Nelson 200 at Charles city courthouse (8 miles below Westover), Gibson 1000 and Baron Steuben 800 on the South side the river.

Jan. 9. The enemy are still in camp at Westover.

Jan. 10. At one p.m. they embarked: and the wind having shifted a little to the North of the West, & pretty fresh, they fall down the river. Baron Steuben marches for Hood's where their passage may be checked. He reaches Land's mills in the evening, within 9 miles of Hood's.

Jan. 11. At 8 a.m. the wind due West & strong they make good their retreat.

During this period time and place have been minutely cited, in order that those who think there was any remissness in the movements of the Governor, may lay their finger on the point and say when & where it was. Hereafter less detail will suffice.

Soon after this, General Phillips having joined Arnold with a reinforcement of 2000 men, they advanced again up to Petersburg, & about the last of April to Manchester. The Governor had remained constantly in and about Richmond, exerting all his powers for collecting militia, and providing such means for the defence of the state as it's exhausted resources admitted. Never assuming a guard, & with only the river between him & the enemy, his lodgings were frequently within 4, 5 or 6 miles of them.

M. De Lafayette, about this time, arrived at Richmond with some Continental troops, with which, & the militia collected, he continued to occupy that place, and the North bank of the river, while Phillips & Arnold held Manchester & the South bank. But Lord Cornwallis, about the middle of May joining them with the main Southern army, M. de Lafayette was obliged to retire. The enemy crossed the river & advanced up into the country about 50 miles, & within 30 miles of Charlottesville, at which place the legislature being to meet in June, the Governor proceeded to his seat at Monticello, 2 or 3 miles from it. His office was now near expiring, the country under invasion by a powerful army, no services but military of any avail, unprepared by his line of life &

education for the command of armies, he believed it right not to stand in the way of talents better fitted than his own to the circumstances under which the country was placed. He therefore himself proposed to his friends in the legislature, that Gen. Nelson, who commanded the militia of the state, should be appointed Governor, as he was sensible that the union of the civil & military power in the same hands at this time, would greatly facilitate military measures. This appointment accordingly took place on the 12th of June 1781.

This was the state of things, when, his office having actually expired, & no successor not yet in place, Colo. Tarleton, with his regiment of horse, was detached by Ld. Cornwallis to surprise Mr. Jefferson, (whom they thought still in office) and the Legislature now sitting in Charlottesville. The Speakers of the two houses, & some other members of the legislature were lodging with Mr. Jefferson at Monticello. Tarleton, early in the morning, (June 23, 1781) when within 10 miles of that place, detached a company of horse to secure him & his guests, and proceeded himself rapidly with his main body to Charlottesville, where he hoped to find the legislature unapprised of his movement. Notice of it, however, had been brought, both to Monticello & Charlottesville, about sunrise. The Speakers, with their Colleagues, returned to Charlottesville, and with the other members of the legislature, had barely time, to get out of his way. Mr. Jefferson sent off his family to secure them from danger, and was himself still at Monticello making arrangements for his own departure when Lieutt. Hudson arrived there at half speed, & informed him the enemy were then ascending the hill of Monticello. He departed immediately, & knowing that he would be pursued if he took the high road, he plunged into the woods of the adjoining mountain, where being at once safe, he proceeded to overtake his family. This is the famous adventure of Carter's mountain, which has been so often resounded through the slanderous chronicles of federalism. But they have taken care never to detail the facts, lest these should shew that this favorite charge amounted to nothing more than that he did not remain in his house, and there singly fight a whole troop of horse, or suffer himself to be taken prisoner. Having accompanied his family one day's journey, he

returned to Monticello. Tarleton had retired after 18 hours stay in Charlottesville. Mr. Jefferson then rejoined his family, and proceeded with them to an estate he had in Bedford, about 80 miles SW where, riding in his farm some time after, he was thrown from his horse, & disabled from riding on horseback for a considerable time. But Mr. Turner finds it more convenient to give him this fall in his retreat before Tarleton, which had happened some weeks before, as a proof that he withdrew from a troop of horse with a precipitancy which Don Quixot would not have practised.

The facts here stated most particularly, with date of time and place, are taken from the notes made by the writer hereof, for his own satisfaction, at the time: the others are from memory, but so well recollected that he is satisfied there is no material fact misstated. Should any person undertake to contradict any particular on evidence which may at all merit the public respect, the writer will take the trouble (tho' not at all in the best situation for it) to produce the proofs in support of it. He finds indeed that of the persons whom he recollects to have been present on these occasions, few have survived the intermediate lapse of four and twenty years. Yet he trusts that some, as well as himself, are yet among the living; and he is positively certain that no man can falsify any material fact here stated. He well remembers indeed that there were then, as there are at all times, some who blamed everything done contrary to their own opinion, althou' their opinions were formed on a very partial knowledge of facts. The censures which have been hazarded by such men as Mr. Turner, are nothing but revivals of these half informed opinions. Mr. George Nicholas, then a very young man, but always a very honest one, was prompted by these persons to bring specific charges against Mr. Jefferson. The heads of these in writing were communicated thro' a mutual friend to Mr. Jefferson, who committed to writing. also the heads of justification on each of them. I well remember this paper, & believe the original of it still exists, and tho' framed when every real fact was fresh in the knolege of everyone, this fabricated flight from Richmond was not among the charges stated in this paper, nor any charge against Mr. Jefferson for not fighting singly the troop of horse. Mr. Nicholas candidly re

linquished further proceeding. The House of Representatives of Virginia pronounced an honorable sentence of entire approbation of Mr. Jefferson's conduct, and so much the more honorable as themselves had been witnesses to it. And Mr. George Nicholas took a conspicuous occasion afterwards, of his own free will, & when the matter was entirely at rest, to retract publicly the erroneous opinions he had been led into on that occasion, & to make just reparation by a candid acknolegement of them.

TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE.
(JAMES MADISON.)

J. MSS.

MONTICELLO, Aug. 4, 05.

DEAR SIR:-On my return from Bedford two days ago I received your favor of July 24 and learnt with sincere regret that Mrs. Madison's situation required her going to Philadelphia. I suppose the choice between Physic and Baynham was well weighed. I hope the result will be speedy & salutary, and that we shall see you in this quarter before the season passes over.

A letter from Charles Pinckney of May 22 informs me that Spain refuses to settle a limit, & perseveres in withholding the rectification of the convention. He says not a word of the status quo, from which I conclude it has not been proposed. I observe by the papers that Dalton is arrived with the public dispatches, from which we shall know the particulars. I think the status quo, if not already proposed, should be immediately offered through Bowdoin. Should it even be refused, the refusal to settle a limit is not of itself a sufficient cause of war, nor is the withholding a ratification worthy of such a redress. Yet these acts shew a purpose both in Spain & France against which we ought to provide before the conclusion of a peace. I think therefore we should take into consideration whether we ought not immediately to propose to England an eventual treaty of alliance, to come into force whenever (within years) a war shall take place with Spain or France. It may be proper for the ensuing Congress to make some preparations for such an event, and it should be in our power to shew we have done the same. This for your consider

ation.