allowed only in certain restricted proportions to the total number of people practicing law in a given community. The same applied to doctors and all of the professions. Gradually all people with Jewish blood were eliminated from the teaching profession. Industries that employed Jews were required to reduce them to lower ranks in employment as a means of proving, I suppose, the superiority of German blood, probably even more as a means of encouraging them to get out of the country. Basically it was an economic struggle for jobs in which the minorities lost. As one saw that development and saw people coming to this country, some of them finding useful employment, some of them bringing skills to this country which have proved of extremely great value under present conditions; and as one has seen Germany having to import 12,000,000 workers during the war period from all of the countries around, of course not just to take the place of those who left, but partly because of the skills that were taken away, it makes one feel that what we are dealing with here is something that has very wide repercussions and is the kind of thing also at this point that we do not want in this country; we have no intention of any such treatment of minorities in this country. But we do feel, in order to get our house in order, not simply on a temporary basis as at the present time, but on a permanent basis, that we have to deal with what seems to me to be basically the thing we can more nearly agree upon than any other thing with regard to minorities, and that is that they shall have equal job opportunity. It was the removal of equal job opportunity that was the fundamental thing that forced minorities in central Europe to leave. That caused us and other countries a great deal of anxiety. We cannot receive them all. No country wants to receive even as many as want to come to it. It is not a healthy condition when the problem of a minority group gets to the state to which it got in central Europe. But I think we do fail to recognize that it roots back in the economic life, what we here call the equal job opportunity of any minority. I would like to pass for a moment to another subject. For 2 or 3 years now we have had, together with the British Quakers, a small ambulance unit, dealing with the transport of medical supplies, and also ambulance or medical service, for civilians and to some extent for men in the armed forces, in China. The Health Department of China does not discriminate very much between the two types of patients. The thing that has been said to us over and over again about that unit is that it is welcome, because they have treated the Chinese certainly as equals; they have gone in to do the job that they could do better than other people in China, because those people have not had the opportunity for training that these men have had. But over and over again, workers as they have come back have expressed the anxiety of the Chinese people over the treatment of people of color, not just Negroes, but orientals, as well, in this country. It has been a matter of profound concern on which they have expressed themselves to these young men of ours who are working in China. In connection with this I assume that many of you have seen the advantage that the Japanese have taken in their propaganda of situations which come up in this country. I have collected a few of these. There are multitudes of them available to anyone. And I think it may not be amiss for me to put into the record a few of those statements which are common to Japanese propaganda. The Japanese propaganda system says over and over again that "Colored people have no hope of justice and equality from the white peoples because of their unalterable race prejudice against us." Another one; "The colored people have known that for them the war for freedom may have to go on against the very white men at whose side they are now fighting." I am quoting here from statements from short-wave broadcasts picked up in this country. Mr. SCANLON. Mr. Pickett, I wonder if you could give us the dates of any of those broadcasts? The reason I ask that is this. In the Immigration and Naturalization Committee we were considering a bill last year to permit the admittance of 107 Chinese, to become citizens of this country. We found a lot of propaganda being carried on among the Chinese by the Japanese, quoting from our hearings, to make it appear that our attitude was against the Chinese. I was wondering if you had those dates, so that I could connect them up 'perhaps with that hearing. I Mr. PICKETT. I have some dates here and some I do not have. think I can get those dates and I would be very glad to do it so far as it is possible. Another quotation goes like this: Can the United States provide the necessary leadership? That is in this field of equal opportunity for people of various races. Japan is busy declaring that she cannot. She is declaring it in the Philippines and in India and in the Malay Peninsula and even to some extent in Russia, that there is no basis for hope that colored peoples can expect any justice from the people who rule the United States, namely, the white people. The Japanese point to our treatment of our own colored people. They point to what has happened in this country; and especially on the 25th of January 1942, the Japanese broadcast made a great deal out of the death of Cleo Wright, a Negro, who was burned to death at Sikeston, Mo. For months the Japanese radio propaganda, aimed primarily at South America, capitalized on the Negro situation in the United States. The Japanese spokesman said: Democracy as preached by the Anglo-Americans may be an ideal and a noble system of life; but democracy as practiced by Anglo-Americans is stained with the bloody guilt of racial persecution and exploitation. I want to say in that connection that I think it is eternally to the credit of the Negro group that, although this propaganda has gone on in the past and continues to go on at the present time, so far as I am aware, it has had a relatively small response on the part of the Negro group, or on the part of any of the other minorities. It has been a problem in some of the Japanese-American groups; that is, Americans of Japanese ancestry. And perhaps, since I have had something to do with that problem, I may be permitted to say a word about that problem and also to comment on the usefulness of a Federal agency taking an interest in these matters of racial discrimination. Early after the relocation took place, the agency of which I am the secretary was asked by the Director of War Relocation Authority, Mr. Milton Eisenhower, if we would undertake to relocate from these relocation centers, the young men and young women who wanted to continue their college education. There were about 2,000 young men and young women of Japanese ancestry, American citizens, in the universities on the west coast at that time. Mr. SCANLON. Mr. Pickett, I am sorry to have to interrupt you. We have just had a call of the House and I am sure, after you have finished your statement, the committee will want to ask you some questions. We have a program for Thursday already set out. Would it be agreeable for you to come back at 10 o'clock Friday morning? If you find that inconvenient, if agreeable to the committee, you may submit the balance of your statement for the record. Mr. PICKETT. I want to come back if I can. If not, I shall be glad to furnish the rest of my statement for the record. Mr. SCANLON. It is agreed then that you will return on Friday if you can, and if not, you have permission to extend your remarks in the record. Before we adjourn, if there is no objection on the part of the committee, I would like to insert a short statement from Congressman Fitzpatrick, of New York, and also a letter from Congressman Marcantonio, of New York. (The statement referred to is as follows:) REMARKS OF HON. JAMES M. FITZPATRICK, OF NEW YORK, IN FAVOR OF THE SCANLON BILL, H. R. 3896, BEFORE THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON Labor, June 14, 1944 Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am in favor of the Scanlon bill, H. R. 3986, which your committee now has under consideration. I believe that there should be no discrimination in employment because of nationality, creed, or race. Our boys are now fighting and dying all over the world to save this great democratic Government of our. We on the home front should do everything possible to carry out the intentions of the framers of the Constitution that there should not be any discrimination, and the bill now proposed is a step in the right direction. I trust that you will report this bill out favorably and that it will be approved by Congress during the present session. (The letter referred to is as follows:) CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, Hon. MARY T. NORTON, Chairman, House Committee on Labor, House Office Building, Washington, D. C. DEAR CONGRESSWOMAN NORTON: I had hoped to be able to appear at hearings of your committee on legislation for a permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee in support of the identic bills now pending in Congress introduced by Representatives Thomas E. Scanlon, William L. Dawson, and Charles M. La Follette. With your kind permission I should like to have this letter serve that purpose and become a part of the record of the hearings on these bills. In a period of critical manpower shortage there remains the serious underemployment and underutilization of a vast reservoir of manpower because of discriminations based on race, creed, color, and national origin. The bigoted restrictions on employment and upgrading in industry are costing the lives of American soldiers. The un-American exclusion of tens of thousands of Negroes, Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, Catholics, and other similar groups from the democratic opportunity to full participation in the job life of our country is repugnant to the concepts of democracy for which we fight, divisive of our national unity, and disruptive to the high fighting morale so vital to victory. In the post-war period, no less than now, there will be need for an agency of the Federal Government with full enforcement powers to guarantee full employment at a guaranteed annual wage to every man and woman in America, irrespective of race, creed, color, or national origin. A permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee can and should be such an agency. It can and should be established to bring to the industrial life of America that spirit of fair play in employment and promotion policies which is best suited to breed genuine democ racy. It is of deepest consequence to the future progress and prosperity of our country that we restore the concept of America as a "Land of opportunity for all peoples." America is big enough, rich enough, and democratic enough to realize this truly American concept in the immediate future. And it is for this reason that I urge the membership of your committee to take swift and favorable action on the pending legislation for a permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee. As one of your colleagues I pledge my full support to such legislation. Sincerely, VITO MARCANTONIO. Mr. SCANLON. I want to thank you, Mr. Pickett, for your very fine and comprehensive statement and say that we are very sorry that we have to conclude this morning's session before you had finished. Mr. PICKETT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. SCANLON. The committee will adjourn at this time until tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock. (Whereupon, an adjournment was taken until Thursday, June 15, 1944, at 10 a. m.) TO PROHIBIT DISCRIMINATION IN EMPLOYMENT THURSDAY, JUNE 15, 1944 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, The committee met at 10 a. m., Hon. Mary T. Norton (chairman) presiding. The CHAIRMAN. The committee will be in order. This morning we have three witnesses, so we shall have to try to hurry along as fast as possible, as we have only 2 days more of hearings and several witnesses scheduled. We expect to conclude our hearings on Tuesday next. We had intended to conclude tomorrow, as you know, but Mr. Fisher asked Mr. Ross to return for questions on Friday. On Tuesday next Mr. Pickett will return. He was here yesterday but had not completed his statement, and some members of the committee suggested that he return. In order to get all of the evidence we can for our first volume of hearings, Mr. Pickett will return on Tuesday to finish his statement and reply to questions. Our hearings will then close until we reassemble after the recess. The date of reassembling is uncertain. We shall have to be guided by events. Mr. FISHER. You do anticipate continuing the hearings after the recess? The CHAIRMAN. Yes, Mr. Fisher. As you know, we have heard only the proponents up to date and still have a long list requesting time. Then of course we shall give the opponents their day in court. This morning, we are glad to present Mr. E. Vincent Suitt. Mr. Suitt is the industrial relations secretary of the Kansas City Urban League and also represents the Public Affairs Committee of the Paseo branch of the Y. W. C. A. of Kansas City, Mo. We shall be glad to hear you at this time, Mr. Suitt. STATEMENT OF E. VINCENT SUITT, INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS SECRETARY, KANSAS CITY URBAN LEAGUE; ALSO REPRESENTING PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE OF THE PASEO BRANCH OF THE YOUNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION, KANSAS CITY, MO. Mr. SUITT. Madam Chairman and members of the House Labor Committee: My name is E. Vincent Suitt, industrial relations secretary of the Kansas City Urban League and a representative of the public affairs committee of the Paseo branch of the Y. W. C. A. of Kansas City, Mo. Mrs. Frances F. Hayden, employees relations secretary for the Paseo Y. W. C. A. and I are here representing this public affairs committee. This committee comprises a membership of the leading |