Geneseo Jam THE economical house wife who knows the excellence of Geneseo Jam Kitchen products realizes that it costs less in money and effort to buy these delicacies than to preserve fruit in her own kitchen. IN ENAMEL-LINED TINS Apricot, Blackberry, Cherry, Grape, Grape Fruit, Strawberry Jam, 14-oz. tins $6.00 per doz. PURE CLOVER HONEY-In glass. 1 doz. Prices F. O. B. Geneseo For sale by leading grocers, or write for list of Pittsburg, Pa. The Pratt Teachers Agency 70 Fifth Avenue, New York The Curtis School for Young Boys Has grown forty-five years and is still under the active WYKEHAM RISE A Country School for Girls FANNY E. DAVIES, LL.A., Principal, A Country School for Girls. College Preparatory and Aca- UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY Broadway at 120th Street New York City The charter requires that " Equal privileges of admission and PENNSYLVANIA CHOOL of Horticulture for Women (Incor Serated), Ambler, Penna, Practical work in greenhouses, The League of Nations and the Presi- Senator Harding and a League of Nations 356 Position ... A Question and an Answer.. 357 357 357 358 358 358 359 .... 360 361 362 362 363 .... 364 An Independent Democrat in Montana An Amateur Business Man. By J. George Frederick Current Events Illustrated.... A Great Beech Tree (Poem)........ 366 By Mary Prescott Parsons Theodore Roosevelt at Harvard: Some Personal Reminiscences... By Richard Welling 366 CONTRIBUTORS' o you know the old fable of the grasshopper and the ant? Mr. J. George Frederick tells the story of a grasshopper of the business world who not only gets more than his share of the joy of life, but who also excites the envy of many wise ants by his success. We accepted this article because we happened to know just one such grasshopper in real life. Perhaps some grasshoppers point morals as well as ants. THE cover of this issue of The Outlook, two articles and an editorial, comprise The Outlook's tribute to the memory of "our greatest companion upon this the anniversary of his birth. Richard Welling, a classmate of Theodore Roosevelt at Harvard and a New York business man whose interests extend far beyond those of the counting-house, draws a graphic picture of Theodore Roosevelt as an undergraduate. In a letter from the late William Agnew Paton to Mrs. Douglas Robinson, the poetess and sister of Theodore Roosevelt, readers of The Outlook are given a most illuminating picture of the home life of the beloved poet of Provence, Frédéric Mistral, and of the vivid impression which the career and personality of Theodore Roosevelt made upon this distinguished Frenchman. Mistral was the foremost, perhaps, of that group of southern French literary men that devoted itself to the celebration and preservation of the literature, language, and traditions of Provence, much as in our day a group of younger poets is celebrating the Gaelic literature of Ireland. Mistral was not only a poet, but his "Mémoires et Récits (Memories and Stories) is one of the most delightful bits of autobiography in modern literature. He died in 1914. THE third and last of The Outlook's questionnaires, "For Whom Will You Vote and Why?" was directed to leaders in business, finance, and industry. The men of affairs who have answered are representative of the widest fields of human activity. On the one hand we find men like Samuel Gompers, the veteran labor chieftain, and T. V. O'Connor, President of the Longshoremen's Association, and on the other a great engineer like John Hays Hammond and a manufacturer and leader in public life like Charles Sumner Bird, of Massachusetts. ANY readers of The Outlook who have the bad habit of skipping articles in the back of the paper will miss a characteristic letter from George Ade if they apply this nefarious practice to the present issue. Mr. Ade wanted to register his vote in our poll of leading authors, but something or other delayed his answer to our questions. We are glad that he has made "Better late than never his motto. ENGLISH LABOR BLOCKS ENGLISH INDUSTRY A MILLION coal miners have gone on strike in Great Britain, and it is estimated that at least a million other workers will be deprived of employment as a necessary consequence of the strike. Beyond this is also the question whether the other two members of labor's "Triple Alliance," namely, the railway and transport workers, will join the miners. It is a sort of paradox that the very bulk and vastness of this industrial war may bring it to a speedy end. At least the opinion is rather freely expressed in England that neither the public nor the strikers can long endure the consesequence of this stoppage of the country's industry. The leaders of the miners themselves have admitted that the war is a desperate measure, and that they have not back of them sufficient funds to give out strike pay to the miners for any length of time. The decision that put the strike into being was made by a final referendum to the local unions. The ballot resulted in a vote of 635,098 against acceptance of the recent proposals made by the English Prime Minister as against 181,428 in favor of acceptance-a majority against acceptance of 453,670. This was a surprising majority in view of the facts that the public had regarded Mr. Lloyd George's proposal as reasonable, and that not a few of the labor leaders, including Mr. Robert Smillie, who is at the head of the Miners' Union, have admitted that the idea proposed was reasonable. That plan was that the advance in wages demanded by the miners should be based on the amount of production, advancing from a fixed basis taken so as to insure some immediate advance with a reasonable amount of coal production and a continuing advance with increasing production. The actual issue between the miners and their employers has practically been reduced to the sole question of wages, and the advance demanded is about fifty cents for each shift of work, a shift meaning sometimes, but not always, a full day's work. The feeling has been strong in England that back of the demand for wages was a movement for nationalization of the coal industry, but in the earlier referendum to the rank and file of the OCTOBER 27, 1920 miners the disposition to put any such issue as this into the background was evident. It is more likely now that out of the contest will come a demand for such control by the Government as shall, not involve ownership but shall make it possible for the Government to forbid and prevent such devastating and Underwood & Underwood BRITISH MINERS' WIVES PROTEST AGAINST A injurious industrial battles as that now begun. Mr. Lloyd George met the miners' challenge to battle with courage and calmness. He declared that the Government had done everything possible to avert the calamity and that the nation would resist with all its strength an attempt by force to drive it to surrender, and that there could be no doubt as to the issue. He pointed out that not only did the miners by their vote reject the proposal outlined above, but that they rejected also the Government's proposal to submit the miners' claim for an increase in wages to an impartial tribunal, all parties to abide by the result. He added: "No one need underrate the damage which this strike will do, but no one will be dismayed. We have been through much more difficult times. With steady purpose and determination to do justice the nation will overcome all its difficulties." It was through coincidence and not as a matter of cause and effect that the beginning of the strike was immediately followed by a labor demonstration in London which resulted in something like a pitched battle between the police and the rioters; about fifty persons were injured. The demonstration one of the unemployed, largely of returned service men and women, who wished to present to the Government their remonstrances against what they held to be illiberal treatment of the unemployed. The Prime Minister received a deputation of these men and assured them that measures were being taken by the Government and the London County Council to alleviate whatever may be wrong in the treatment of unemployment. LENINE STRIKES THREE SNAGS IKOLAI LENINE is having his difficulties. True, he has established in Russia the reign of terror and menace to civilization known as Bolshevism. But he wants to establish it throughout the world, directing it everywhere against the stability of governments; he wants to create a world revolution. The progress of this propaganda, however, has just struck three snags. The first is in France. The Socialists there have now, we are glad to say, acquiesced in President Millerand's policy in refusing to deal with Bolshevik Russia. The second snag is in Italy. Surely there, if anywhere, seemed to be the opportunity for Bolshevism. Thousands of workers seized hundreds of factories, and will continue to operate some of them with more or less success as long as raw material holds out. At the moment of the seizure Lenine issued a ukase directing his "Italian comrades" at once to begin the revolution against their Government. The order had the opposite effect to that expected. The strikers were Italians first, last, and all the time. They resented the foreigner's interference. The resulting vote showed a defeat for the Bolshevist-inclined workmen. Whereupon Lenine issued another ukase, declaring that the " Italian proletariat had been betrayed" and adding that certain Socialists "are guilty of sabotage against the revolution in Italy at the moment when it begins to ripen !" With respect to this the well-informed "Giornale d'Italia," of Rome, emphasizes an influence not sufficiently recognized: Lenine and Bolshevism are serving German reactionaries who wish to restore the monarchy in Germany and obtain revenge over their recent enemies by disintegrating countries of western Europe through revolution. The highest positions in the Bolshevist army and the Soviet administration are in the hands of Germans who, camouflaged as Communists, try to sow the poison of hatred and internal dissolution in western countries. This is the reason why Lenine is particularly ferocious against those Italian Socialist leaders who are unwilling to drag their country to ruin as was planned by Lenine's inspirers in Berlin. The third snag is in America. When President Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor, was appealed to in behalf of international revolution, he replied that he lived in "a republic based upon the principles of freedom, justice, and universal suffrage," and that he and his colleagues were "not likely to throw these rights and principles into the scrap-heap for the dictatorship of Moscow's Lenine and Trotsky." THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND HIRTY-ONE prominent Americans who have been actively connected, some of them for many years, with movements to promote international peace have just issued a notable statement reasserting their desire to have the United States "do her full part in association with the other civilized nations to prevent war," and announcing that in pursuance of this desire they propose to vote for Harding and Coolidge at the coming Presidential election. Among the signers of this statement are such lawyers as Elihu Root, Charles E. Hughes, and Paul Cravath; into it to go to war whenever war may It is idle to say that Congress has power to refuse to authorize such a war, for, whenever the Treaty calls for war, a refusal by Congress to pass the necessary resolution would be a refusal by our Government to keep the obligation of the Treaty. The alternative would be war, or a breach of the solemnly pledged faith of the United States. We cannot regard such a provision as necessary or useful for a League to preserve peace. bia; also Mr. Taft, Mr. Wickersham, These men have been considering 66 The principal change proposed concerns Article X of the League Covenant, as negotiated at Paris, which provides that the nations shall preserve, as against external aggression, the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all members of the League." This, declares the signers, "certainly binds every nation entering SENATOR HARDING AND A HE true way to bring America into peace is not by insisting with Mr. Wilson and Mr. Cox upon the acceptance of Article X, but, as is recommended, 66 66 by frankly calling upon the other nations to agree to changes. . . which will obviate this vital objection." For such a course, conclude the signers, 'we can look only to the Republican party and its candidate; the Democratic party and Mr. Cox are bound not to allow it." The signers might have added that, even were Mr. Cox elected, he could get nowhere, because more than a third of the holdover Senators are pledged to reject a League charter which contains Article X. On the other hand, say the signers: The Republican party is bound by every consideration of good faith to pursue such a course until the declared object is attained. The conditions of Europe make it essential that the stabilizing effect of |