SENATOR HARDING DECLARES HIS INTERNATIONAL POLICY

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ENATOR HARDING'S speech at his home in Marion, Ohio, on Saturday, August 28, will have far more influence in the election than series of speeches he could have made as a pilgrim orator. Americans are a reading people, and this clear and calm discussion of a great National question will find its way through the press to every city, town, and village. If any reader wishes to get a copy in convenient form for reading or for circulation, doubtless the Republican National Committee will furnish it on request.

Senator Harding tells his hearers that "with great misgiving," announced at the time, he voted for the Wilson League with reservations "designed to preserve our essential liberty of action." But "conditions have changed." "The orig inal League, mistakenly conceived and unreasonably insisted upon, has undoubt edly passed beyond the possibility of restoration." The Premier of Great Britain, when asked why he does not use the powers of Europe in the defense of Poland, Armenia, and the Dardanelles, replied that the European nations could not and the United States would not furnish the troops. If President Wilson thinks the Premier is mistaken, he has only to call on Congress to declare war and confer upon him specific authority to raise troops for that purpose. Yet the League Covenant without reservations would involve the United States in a moral obligation to do this very thing.

Senator Harding indignantly denies that he would decline to co-operate with other nations in an honest endeavor to prevent wars. "Nobody living would take that position." "The only question is one of method or of practicability within bounds prescribed by principles." Then follows his definition of the principles involved, which we give in his own words:

There are distinctly two types of international relationship. One is an offensive and defensive alliance of great Powers, like that created at Versailles, to impose their will upon the helpless peoples of the world. Frankly, I am opposed to such a scheme as that, and I speak knowingly when I say that the associated Powers, with whom we fought the war, were reluctant to accept such a proposition....

The other type is a society of free nations, or an association of free nations, or a league of free nations, animated by considerations of right and justice, instead of might and selfinterest, and not merely proclaimed an

SEPTEMBER 8, 1920

agency in pursuit of peace, but so organized and so participated in as to make the actual attainment of peace a reasonable possibility. Such an association I favor with all my heart, and I would make no fine distinction as to whom credit is due. One need not care what it is called. Let it be an association, a society, or a league, or what not, our concern is solely with the substance, not the form thereof.

In this spirit, not of compromise, but of co-operation, Mr. Harding is quite

WHAT'S THE MATTER

WITH THE EASTERN FARMER? The startling results of J. Madison Gathany's investigation of farm conditions in the East will open many eyes. The

first in his series of four articles appears in The Outlook for next week. Mr. Gathany traveled more than 3,500 miles by train, motor car, and on foot to obtain his information, and talked to hundreds of farmers, farmers' wives, hired workers, farm organizers, and heads of farm bureaus and exchanges. Read this running story of the high cost of meat and potatoes, of child labor, of rural unhappiness, and of the menaces to the production of our foodstuffs.

willing to take whatever is good in either plan. "I would," he says, "take and combine all that is good and excise all that is bad from both organizations." For this purpose he accepts a suggestion which has been made by Viscount Grey. "What is in my mind," he says, "is the wisdom of calling into real conference the ablest and most experienced minds of this country, from whatever walks of life they may be derived, and, without regard to party affiliation, to formulate a definite, practicable plan along the lines already indicated for the consideration of the controlling foreign powers." He does not advocate a policy of National isolation. On the contrary, he believes that by our "wiggling and wabbling America has lost her former leadership among the nations." "Steady, America "" he cries. “Let us assure good fortune to

all. We may maintain our eminence as a great people at home and resume a high place in the estimate of the world."

We have commented on this speech elsewhere in this issue.

CORRUPTION FUNDS

T is inevitable, we suppose, that there

gant talk about corruption funds in every Presidential election. It seems to be one of the inalienable rights of the American democracy one day to profess that it has established the noblest and purest form of government the world has ever seen and the next day to denounce its leaders and statesmen as corruptionists of the worst type. Actual and definite corruption ought never to be winked at, but it ought to be attacked in an orderly and legal fashion.

Loose and gossipy charges might well be left to the cheaper forms of partisan newspapers and soap-box spellbinders and stump speakers. Governor Cox, however, evidently does not think so. He appears to consider that one of the functions of a candidate for the most dignified and responsible elective office in the world is to make sweeping charges of corruption against his opponents. He has stated in public speeches that the Republican party is raising a fund of fifteen millions of dollars to be used to buy the votes of those who, if left to their own devices, would presumably vote the Democratic ticket. He has even gone further. He has publicly made the preposterous charge that some of this great fund is to be employed by the Republicans to suppress the rights of the laboring men by the use of the bayonet. When called upon by a Congressional Investigating Committee to substantiate these extraordinary charges, he replied that he did not feel bound to appear before the Committee, but he was perfectly willing to furnish the Committee with his "leads," whatever that may mean.

It is true that the Republican managers have undertaken to raise a large sum of money for the necessary expenses of the campaign by pursuing the methods adopted in the Liberty Loan drives. They have assigned to every community of the country a quota which they think the Republicans of each community ought to subscribe. What the total amount of all these quotas is has not yet been made public, but it is e

tain that Governor Cox ought to have very accurate figures and incontrovertible evidence before making any such sweeping statements as those for which he is responsible.

MR. HAYS'S OFFICIAL TESTIMONY

MR.

R. Cox offers as evidence some matter taken from the official bulletin of the Treasurer of the Republican National Committee and a typewritten list of campaign quotas proposed for the principal cities in some twenty seven States. The matter from the official bulletin contains phrases urging the men engaged in raising the campaign fund to be energetic in their work. Some of the phrases used are of a rather commonplace type of salesmanship; but there is nothing in them indicating a corrupt purpose. The quotas total somewhat over eight million dollars.

In reply, testifying before the Senate Investigating Committee, Mr. Hays, the Chairman of the Republican National Committee, declared that this list of quotas was not official, but simply listed estimates which were never adopted. He totally denied that there was any slush fund, and declared that Mr. Cox's statements were libelous. Certainly in what Mr. Cox alleged to be evidence there was nothing to substantiate his charge that there was a conspiracy to buy the Presidency or secure an "underhold" on the Presidency. Mr. Hays not only defended the Republican campaign method, but declared, in a counter-attack, that the Democratic Administration had been using the franking privilege, which is paid for by public taxation, to promote the Democratic campaign, and he also read a letter from a liquor concern showing that the liquor interests were supporting Mr. Cox.

Governor Cox is enough of a newspaper man to know that such charges as he has made would appear in the headlines of every newspaper in the country without any of the evidence pro and con, and would appeal to class passion and prejudice. He ought also to know that similar sweeping accusations made on behalf of the Presidential Democratic candidate of 1904 which could not be substantiated reacted adversely upon the Democratic ticket. It is a cheap and vulgar form of campaign, which may be effective in producing a sensation but is not effective in getting votes from the great body of reasonable and intelligent American citizens. Senator Harding has done wisely in refusing to enter into the controversy at all, asserting that he prefers to leave such matters to judicial or Congressional investigation and to devote himself to the real. important, and arguable issues of the campaign.

and became Regent of the State University. Later he served in Congress and as a member of the Iowa State Railway Commission. In 1890 he became Director of the Agricultural Experimental Station and a Professor of Agriculture in the Iowa State Agricultural College, where he served until his appointment to the Cabinet in 1897. His record as a Cabinet officer is without precedent as to length of service.

Under his administration the Department of Agriculture underwent marked development. It was during his administration that a most rapid development of scientific farming occurred. While Mr. Wilson was himself by early training a real dirt farmer, there are those who felt that the Department of Agriculture in the early years of his administration laid too much emphasis upon the theory of agriculture at the expense of its practice. This, however, was a natural result of new developments in the science of farming. It took some time for the agricultural scientists to discover that other things were needed besides a book knowledge of new methods. Excellent par

phlets pointing out the method of making two blades of grass grow where one blade of grass had previously grown, or ten pestilential insects die where only one had died before, were indeed valuable, but they did not produce as complete an improvement as was desired. It was found that the printed page must be supplemented by personal and tangible demonstration if scientific agriculture was to obtain a broad acceptance.

Now more and more we are discovering that even scientific methods of production are in themselves insufficient. Our American farms have too often resembled factories which had excellent plants and skilled operatives, but which were handicapped by inadequate facilities for the purchase of raw materials and by sales forces very much below the required standard. Production is, after all, only one phase of efficient farming. It is a happy augury that both practical farmers and the Department of Agriculture are coming more and more to understand this fact.

Among the achievements of the Department of Agriculture under Secretary Wilson was the introduction of new varieties of wheat and the extension of the northern frontier of the wheat belt, the encouragement of the beet sugar industry, the discovery of a serum for hog cholera, and the centering of National attention upon the problem of tuberculosis in cattle. These were some of the specific achievements of the Department of Agriculture under his administration; but it is even more to his honor that he carried the Department of Agriculture well along the difficult road towards uniting the art of farming with both science and business.

THE POLISH SITUATION

M

ILITARY success has often proved very convenient for those who have

a just cause. At least the Poles have reason to believe so. The patronizing attitude of a fussy elderly relative toward a young person with a burning sense of invaded rights was at least rather closely imitated by the stronger Allies-with the exception of France in their attitude toward Poland during the days of the victory for the Russian Reds as they approached the gates of Warsaw. Now that is changed. Poland has turned the Reds out and is receiving a somewhat more respectful attention from Great Britain and Italy, if not from the United States. For the change in her fortunes Poland has occasion to be grateful to France. The French have the gift of seeing things as they are; and they have seen very clearly the necessity for maintaining Poland as a defense against the threatened partnership between the Red

Junker. For that reason they

have backed Wrangel; for that reason they gave such military advice and assistance, particularly through the admirable leadership of the French General Weygand, as to restore the morale and the fighting power of the retreating and almost defeated Poles.

It is almost impossible to believe that in the short time since Warsaw was reported actually to have fallen, the Poles have made such an advance that the front is now virtually along the line laid out by the Supreme Council of the Allies as a suitable frontier for Poland. The suggestion that the Polish army should stop along this line seems almost grotesque. How can an army stand and defend itself except behind defenses? A geographical line has no defense for an army. In modern warfare to build defenses requires barbed wire, concrete, and a great mass of other material. Unfortunately, the Polish army will not find much protection against the Reds if they stand on a line drawn on a map and depend, for a barrage, upon the advice of their friends. The French are entirely right. If the Poles are going to obtain decent terms from the Bolsheviki, they must put the Bolsheviki in a military position which will require them to make concessions. The American armies in France did not stop when they came to a certain political line, but drove the Germans until there was no recourse but to surrender.

Another evidence of the value of military success has been the modifications of the Bolshevist terms as they have presented themselves to the Poles in their conference at Minsk. It might be expedient for the Poles to accept even unacceptable terms; but if they do surrender it will only be because the Polish leaders realize that as a nation they are

weaker than Russia and that they have as strong friends and backers only the French.

Meantime there has been little change in the military situation, though the fighting has gone on both along the northern and southern portions of the front. General Dubenny, a former Russian noncommissioned officer, has been making a drive against the Poles near Lemberg, and to the north the Red armies have resumed, at one point at least, the offensive.

Reports, confirmed by statements of Kamineff, the Bolshevist Commissioner to London, indicate that the Bolsheviki are undertaking to form a new Russian army of five million men and intend to use it for overwhelming Poland. It is probable, as some despatches state, that the Lenine-Trotsky régime has lost prestige at home because of its military reverses, and it is also probable that the LenineTrotsky régime will try to recover prestige by a new military effort.

An illustration of the service rendered to the Poles by their own military success and by French aid is to be seen in what has happened at Dantsic, situated where Poland's "Corridor to the Sea" reaches the coast. According to the Treaty of Versailles this is a free city. Poland has commercial rights there; but in a military sense the port is neutral. Consequently, when Poland needed military supplies she was virtually cut off from the sea. Munitions which she had obtained could not be landed because the German workmen in Dantsic refused to allow the cargoes to be unloaded. The Poles argued that they should have free use of the port for every purpose. Sir Reginald Tower, of Great Britain, who is head of the Allied Commission at Dant

Keystone View Co.

SIR REGINALD TOWER

sic, refused to allow the cargoes to be unloaded for fear of trouble. The arrival at the port of the French cruiser, at about the time that the Poles' military success became obvious, changed the situation, and Sir Reginald Tower found a means to allow the discharge of arms and ammunition. Poland's rights remained unchanged, but they seemed somewhat more perceptible.

THE NEW STATUS OF EGYPT

A

CCORDING to the London "Times," the Commission, headed by Viscount Milner, recently sent to Egypt to undertake preliminary studies for a constitution for that country, has now not only carried out its task, but has recommended that Egypt be recognized as a formally independent country.

Among the detailed recommendations, as reported, are the recognition by Egypt of Great Britain's privileged position in the valley of the Nile and the agreement, in case of war, to afford every facility for access to Egyptian territory; the maintenance by Great Britain at all times of a garrison along the Suez Canal; the abolishment of the capitulations (those treaties which give foreigners in Egypt the right of exemption from local tribunalsif a foreigner commits a crime he cannot be tried by Egyptian law); the partial control by Egypt of foreign relations, with the limitation that no treaties shall be made contrary to British policy; the gradual replacement of British officials and soldiers by Egyptian officials and soldiers; the administration of the public debt by a mixed commission; the exclusion of the Sudan from all these arrangements. They transform England's protectorate over Egypt into an alliance.

Should official announcement confirm