THE CONTRIBUTORS'
GALLERY

E. V. Lucas is not only a literary

and art critic of the finest perceptions and judgments, but a novelist of quiet and delightful humor and an essayist of the type of Robert Louis Stevenson. Among his novels are "Over Bemerton's," "Mr. Ingleside,' and "Listener's Lure." In "A Wanderer in Paris" he described temptingly the restaurants of that paradise of gastronomers. But he is much more than a gastronomer, for in "A Wanderer in Holland" he re-discovered for the world the now immortal paintings of Vermeer. Two of his latest books are a collection of thumb-nail essays "A Phantom Journal" and "Adventures and Enthusiasms."

Mr. Lucas is tall, robust, ruddyfaced; not at all the literary type of the pre-Raphaelite School. He has contributed to The Outlook a number of times in the past. Perhaps we may venture to add a specimen of Lucas's quizzical humor at our own expense. One of the editors of The Outlook, at the time of Mr. Lucas's recent visit to New York, expressed to the latter his profound gratitude for the alluring descriptions of French restaurants contained in "A Wanderer in Paris," declaring that he, the editor, was more grateful to him, the humorist, for discovering the restaurants Foyot, Voisin, and La Pérouse than for bringing again to the notice of the world the beautiful pictures of Vermeer. Lucas looked at his abnormally thin interlocutor for a moment with the least suggestion of a smile and answered: "I should say from your appearance that your love of food must be rather platonic."

66

TH

HOMAS L. MASSON, whose name needs no introduction to Americans who like their humor tinged with philosophy, has been managing editor of "Life" since 1893. He lives in Glen Ridge, New Jersey. His article "What are the Requirements of a Good Novel?" isn't so funny, but even a humorist must have his serious intervals. If he is interesting we will forgive his serious moments-and we are convinced that, with his present article, Mr. Masson will win the forgiveness of all our readers.

FRANK C. LOCKWOOD, author of "The Old English Coffee-House," is director of General University Extension of the University of Arizona.

Published in the interest of Electrical Development by an Institution that will be helped by whatever helps the Industry.

Rates at low tide have stranded it on the rocks, while a surging sea of costs for labor and material breaks over it smokestack high.

Whether you're a stockholder or not, through investments by your trust company and insurance company you are part owner in the public utilities. So you are protecting your own money when you see to it that they have a high enough rate to keep going.

These public servants are necessary for your safety and convenience, too. For if electric service were forced to shut down, picture the result

No street cars running. Telephone communication suspended. Factories idle. Homes deprived of electric light. Theatres and "movie" houses closed. Increased fire risk. Streets unsafe at night.

Even now the Electric Light Companies and Telephone Companies are unable to supply service to hundreds of thousands of applicants. Lack of funds stands in the way of adding equipment to extend the lines.

The reasons for such a condition are different in different places, and each case must of course be settled on its merits.

After all, though, it isn't a question of fairness or generosity to the Companies so much as a matter of self-interest to you. "How can I assure myself good electric service?"-that is your problem.

Your law-makers and public service commissioners take their authority from public opinion. And public opinion divided by the population of your community is you.

Western Electric Company

CAMPAIGN CHARGES

MR

R. COX has been repeating his charges that the Republicans have undertaken to buy the Presidency. He insists that he will continue to repeat these charges until election time. He has, however, submitted no proof. He has apparently not even acquainted his party associates with any evidence that they regard as proof.

Meanwhile, the Senatorial committee which has been investigating the use of funds for campaign purposes has been listening to witnesses in Chicago. We take the following excerpts from the report of these hearings as published in the New York "World," which is an intensely partisan supporter of Mr. Cox. Mr. White, Chairman of the National Democratic Committee, was testifying.

Senator Spencer then put this question to Mr. White: "Mr. White, do you know of any sinister financial or industrial influences which are trying to make a continuance of profiteering possible by their contributions to the Republican National Committee or the Republican party?"

"I have, of course, read the Governor's speech at Pittsburgh," replied Mr. White," and through long personal and political relations with the Governor I always found him to be able to prove what he charged, and that is the only source of information I have in regard to it."

"That is, so far as you know, you could not give us any evidence of any sinister financial and industrial influences which are trying to make a continuance of profiteering possible by their contributions or assistance to the Republican National Committee or to the Republican party?"

The only evidence that I have would not assist your Committee. I have no evidence."

"Can you give us any indication as to where such evidence might be obtained?" asked Senator Spencer.

"Yes, from the Governor of Ohio," replied Mr. White.

"Do you know of anything that he has in mind or any evidence that he has that we have not got? Could you give us the names of any man or men that can ?"

"The Governor collected the evidence himself and I believe has it in his possession."

"Do you know, Mr. White, of any evidence whatever or any place where we could secure any evidence that millions have been contributed to the campaign fund of the Republican party with sinister intent? I am quoting from Governor Cox's speech."

"Not so far as I know."

Again:

"Have you one particle of evidence

SEPTEMBER 15, 1920

to present to this Committee to sustain the charges that Governor Cox has made in his speeches?" asked Mr. Kenyon.

"None whatever," replied Mr. White.

The belief on the part of certain men in politics that great wealth should have special power in public life, and should have privileges which it can honestly buy and pay for, has long been a menace to liberty in self-government and continues to be. That belief, however, is not confined to the politicians of any one party. It has been practiced by the Republican ring in Philadelphia. It has been

International

FREDERICK W. UPHAM, REPUBLICAN NATIONAL TREASURER, IN CHARGE OF THE PARTY'S NATIONAL CAMPAIGN FUND

practiced and professed by the Democratic ring in New York. Citizens with even a rudimentary sense of honesty ought to combat this belief as well as the practice of it wherever they find it. And honest citizens who want to reduce the influence of mere wealth in politics are hindered, not helped, by unsubstantiated charges such as those that have been made again and again in this campaign by Mr. Cox. Even some of his own supporters are beginning to recognize this fact. The New York" Times," one of the most respectable and influential of them, has in an editorial deplored this aspect of the campaign, although it has not recognized Mr. Cox's responsibility for it. When a candidate makes such charges as these and cannot support them, he does irreparable harm. The only reparation he can make is to withdraw them and frankly to acknowledge the wrong he has done.

SUFFRAGE STILL SEEMS TO BE OVER THE TOP

A

FTER the suffrage forces had appar-'

ently carried the Tennessee trenches, the anti-suffrage forces attempted to wrest from them their hard-won victory. As The Outlook has already reported, the vote for ratification in the lower house of Tennessee was put through despite the absence of numerous legislators who had fled to Alabama in an attempt to break the

quorum. This effort failed to prevent the House from voting for ratification or the Governor of Tennessee from certifying that the ratification had been completed.

When the wandering legislators returned, the Tennessee House of Repre sentatives voted to expunge from its journal all record of ratification of the Federal Suffrage Amendment and to refuse concurrence in the action of the Senate in ratifying that Amendment. The Attorney-General of Tennessee has expressed the opinion that reconsideration of the resolution of ratification was legally impossible. A legal fight between Constitutional lawyers seems imminent, but there is no indication that Secretary Colby will regard the action of the returned legislators as having any bearing upon the validity of the Amendment. It may take a decision of the Supreme Court to unravel the last of the suffrage tangle, but there seems little likelihood that women will be deprived of the Federal suffrage at the coming Presidential election. What would happen if the women voted and then the Supreme Court declared that the Amendment was invalid?

THE PATIENT PUBLIC
AND THE STRIKERS

N one sense the public is not patient

contests are going on as those now raging in connection with the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company and the anthracite industry, the public is highly irritated, is loud in its denunciation, and is more indignant at the fact that such strikes should be possible than discriminating in studying the causes of the strikes. But once peace is established again, whether justly or not, the public falls back into its mood of patient indifference. The moral is obvious. The old order under which business suffers, consumers are harassed, convenience and comfort are destroyed, and often violence and killing

A TROLLEY STRIKE-MOTOR TRUCKS TAKE THE PLACE OF CARS IN BROOKLYN

are accompaniments-this state of things, we say, will continue until such time as an adequate plan for dealing with such disputes is adopted. Such a plan, in our judgment, must include the incorporation of unions in order that their strikes may be enforced as the contracts of other corporations can be, the right of collective bargaining, restriction of the right to strike by labor engaged in industries of the public utility character, and with that the just and necessary corollary of the establishment of a body to arbitrate by and with authority.

The accounts of the strike in Brooklyn read like those of many previous strikes of this kind in American cities; the men claim that they have not received a reasonable increase in wages as compared with present conditions; the company disputes this; the company offers terms which include the right of collective bargaining, but declines to allow the men to be heard through the association which called the strike; the calling in of strike-breakers results in rioting, violence, and a list of dead and wounded.

Every good citizen agrees that the very first thing to be done is the restoration of order and the protection of property. But when that is done, there should be such a fair method of conciliation and arbitration as will satisfy the public. What is even more important than that is that such a disgraceful state of things should lead to public action and public sentiment that would make its repetition impossible.

If organized labor means to secure approval, it is time that it gave stringent utterance to disapproval of the irresponsible breaking of contracts. That is a thing the dishonesty of which every citi11 can understand, however little he

may know of the merits of individual disputes.

of scoundrels capable of any act of cruelty." When General Haller, a trained and skilled officer, fairly had a chance to meet this semi-disciplined force, he made short work of them. Despatches state that the Poles captured thousands of prisoners, sixteen guns, and large quantities of material. Incidentally, the victory throws light on the exaggerated ideas which have obtained in some quarters as regards the military efficiency of the Bolshevist army. Since the patriotic ardor of the Poles has been aided by the wise counsels of such French strategists as General Weygand and Marshal Foch, and since the counsel has been backed by the aid of hundreds of French officers and considerable amounts of war material, the Reds have made a very poor showing in the field.

peace

The attempts to come to an armistice agreement at Minsk failed utterly. Polish delegates were treated with insult and subjected to restrictions suitable for prisoners of war rather than for delegates. They returned to Poland disgusted and hopeless as to the possibility of coming to terms with the ruthless and semibarbarian Bolshevist tyrants. That Russia will some time shake itself loose from the control of the comparatively small but concentrated body of dictators, upheld by the arms of bandits and ex-soldiers who receive special privileges, would seem to be a matter of time only.

within the last two years. That these breakers of contract should declare that

they will go back if President Wilson will reopen the arbitration which has already been decided would seem to be a piece of sheer industrial impertinence.

As we write there are evidences that not all the anthracite workers take this stand, and it is to be hoped that peace and active work will be resumed. If not, the immense number of people who depend upon anthracite for domestic comfort may look forward to a distressingly

hard winter.

THE RUSSIAN REDS AND POLISH PATRIOTS

THE

HE most notable military event in the fighting which has continued between the Red armies and the forces of Poland during the futile efforts to establish an armistice has been the total defeat and rout of General Dubenny's Bolshevist cavalry. This army-for it is a considerable force, and rather remarkable in view of the general disuse of cavalry in the recent Great War-has been described by one writer as by one writer as "a motley aggregation

THE HUNGER STRIKE AS A WEAPON

Government and the promoters of violence and murder in Ireland still centers, as we write, about the singular case of Mr. MacSwiney, who, while he was Mayor of the great city of Cork, aided and abetted plans of violence which were simply murderous in their nature. His defiance of the Government, as we have already stated, took the form of what amounts to attempted suicide by starvation. It is well known that the human body can sustain life without food (though not without water) for days extending into weeks. On September 7 Mr. MacSwiney was still living, but it was reported that his condition was extremely feeble.

There is a logical argument that may be urged against the common statement that there should be no interference with a man who chooses to take the course! adopted by Mr. MacSwiney, but there is no just argument to be adduced in favor of the release of the prisoner. It may be said that it is the duty of government to prevent suicide; that the authorities would not sit quietly by and allow a prisoner to cut his throat or hang himself to i the bars of his cell. That is true, and it