we next proceed to point out in what manner thefe 1800 citizens are arranged to conftitute a system of government in regard to legislative, judicative, and executive powers. There are in this ftate four great political bodies or councils, for the purposes of governing. There are, 1. The Petit Confeil, or Senate, confitting of 25 members. 2. Le Confeil de Soixante, containing 60 members. 3. Le Grand Confeil, nominally containing 200, but in fact 250 members. 4. Le Confeil General, or General Affembly of the whole body of Citoyens and Bourgeois together. Its .I. Le Petit Confeil, or Senate. powers and its privileges are extenfive. In the making of laws it takes the lead; for none can be made which does not originate in this council. No bill or propofition is carried to either of the other two councils till it has previously received the approbation of the fenate. It is invefted with a most important judicative power, which is of the more confequence, as there is no regular code of laws, either civil or criminal in the ftate. To it also belongs the executive power, and the regulation of the public funds. It is the only.council which has fixed and ftated times of meeting; for none of the others can affemble, unless by the consent and appointment of the fenate. Out of this council of 25, the general affembly of Bourgeois and Citoyens choofe annually four fyndics, who are the most oftenfible and acting magiftrates in the state. The one is prefident of the fenate; the fecond, in a military capacity, is governor of the city; the third fuperintends the finance; and the fourth, the public hofpital. Simply as fenators, they are independent of the people; invefted with the additional character of Syndics, they depend upon, and are elected by them. The vacancies which happen in the fenate are immediately filled up by the Grand Council of 200, who choose another fenator from among themselves by a majority of votes. 2. The Confeil de Soixante includes all the members of the fenate. It affembles very rarely; its principal object being the direction and management of foreign affairs. The fenate has the right of filling up all vacancies which may happen in this body. Though the individuals which compofe this council are greatly interested in the internal difputes of the republic, yet in their collective capacity they take no part; this belongs principally to the fenate and grand council, which we fhall now take notice of. 3. Le Grand Confeil of 200 confifted originally of that number, but has fince been augmented to 250, which it cannot exceed. This council, in the formation of laws, takes under their confideration fuch propofitions as have been previously difcuffed and approved by the fenate. It appears further, to have the inspection and revifion of proceffes, both civil and criminal, decided by the fenate, that th: life and property of individuals may be difpofed of with more caution and fecu rity. This great body cannot be confdered as a reprefentation of the people, is only a felection from them, who acquir: independent of them, certain privileges. which they ever afterwards retain, ar lofe only with their lives. The vacan feats in this council are not immediateḥ filled up, but remain till so members are dead. These new ones used formerly t be elected by the fenate from the corps c Bourgeois and Citoyens, but by a late agreement, they only elect one half, and the people the other. 4. The Confeil General comes laftly to be confidered, of which it will be diffcult to give any particular_description without entering into the prefent difpute. It confifts of all the Bourgeois and Citoyens affembled, including alfo the members c all the other councils. It is denominated the fovereign of the republic, though this character is denied by others, and thought to belong more properly to the Grand Confeil, which was at firft established for deciding upon affairs of state. This coun cil of the people in its legislative capacity can take cognizance of nothing but what is laid before them by the other councils. They poffefs, however, the privilege of prefenting petitions and reprefentations to the Senate and Grand Confeil, in cafe they think they are exceeding their preroga tives, or neglecting to pafs proper refolutions for the good of the public. Though the people have the liberty of making reprefentations, the council have alfo the liberty of negativing and rejecting these re monftrances. Hence the names which characterife and diftinguish the two parties -Reprefentans, or people-Negatifs, or magistrates. The people afferable anne ally in council to elect the fyndics, and other magiftrates, but it feems to be ac knowledged that they cannot assemble 0: any extraordinary occafion till a day is fixed by the fenate. When it is affembled in this manner, it is to determine upon the enacting of laws, the impofition of taxes, forming treaties of peace and alliance, declaring war, and the par chafing or difpofing of the territory ct the republic. This council alfo elects feveral other magiftrates befides the fyndics, as the Lieutenant, the Auditeurs, the Treforier, and Procureur General, but into the the nature of these feveral departments, But when peace was established with the it is not neceffary to enquire. Of all these four political bodies above enumerated, the fenate is the only one which meets regularly, and is engaged with uniform activity in the direction of public affairs. The others only affemble occafionally, and as the greater include the leffer, one only can meet at a time. The powers of government thus diftributed, neceffarily occafion the exifence of two parties, whofe views are different, and whofe interefts are oppofite to one another. These parties are, the Senate and Grand Confeil on the one hand, and the Confeil General of the people on the other. Both undoubtedly have their respective privileges handed down to them by precedents and the conftitution of the republic; and neither of them can with propriety make encroachments upon one another, without expofing the state to that dangerous crifis which takes place when government is diffolved. The exclufive privilege which the fenate had of fupplying the vacancies in the Grand Confeil, and this council again of choofing fenators from their own body, exhibit an ariftocracy in the ftrictest sense of the word; viz. A class of men invefted with power, who create themselves, and are independent of the people. The natural tendency of this branch of the conftitution has always been to augment their prerogatives, and to concentrate within their own circle, the feveral powers of government, though at the expence of their political opponents. While on the other hand, the Confeil General of the Citoyens, jealous of this ambitious difpofition, of this increafing power and independency of the Senate and Grand Confeil, have in their turn attempted to diminish their prerogative, by afferting that they were only adminiftrators for the people, who could at any time take from them the powers with which they had been invefted. Such has been, and still is, the ftate of the two parties which have long fubfifted in this government. The one an independent, firm and refolute ariftocracy; the other a bold, active, and daring democracy. The former comprehends the most wealthy and richest clafs of citizens; the latter takes in the merchants and moft induftrious artists in the republic. While the public liberty of the ftate was menaced by foreign' enemies, the people had not begun to be jealous of the ambitious views of their magiftrates. Reciprocal confidence was neceffary for public defence, and the citizens even approved of the prefence and zeal of their chiefs, Hib. Mag. Nov. 1782. duke of Savoy, the people then began to conceive that the councils had exerted their power and authority in a manner that was inconfiftent with and deftructive of their rights when affembled in Confeil General. The magiftrates were fenfible of this, but they flattered themfelves that the paft filence of the people created a right, and that a regular, uniform and uninterrupted mode of adminiftring public affairs, was in other words the conftitution of the republic. There appear to be three periods or Sketch of the Life of the Right Honourable HIS He is defcended from a French family of reputation, and feveral of his anceltors diftinguifhed themfelves by their zeal and bravery in defending the Proteftant faith and interefts, against the perfecutions of their bigotted fellow subjects, the Roman Catholics. His father, Mr. Peter Barré, was born in France, but having imbibed from his predeceffors the principles of civil and intellectual liberty, he resolved to renounce allegiance to a government which denied him the free exercife of both. In Ireland he fought an afylum, and his reception in that kingdom proved the juftnefs of his choice. The government of Ireland have always given protection and encouragement to foreigners, and particularly to thofe French, denominated Hugonots, a wife policy, by which they have acquired the arts and manufactures of the continent. gentleman is a native of Ireland. Mr. Barré by a fedulous attention to trade, and tenacious adherence to honefty, foon acquired a competency of wealth, and established a character for integrity in the commercial world. From the humble fituation of a retailer, he became a wholefale dealer, and exporter of tallow; was admitted to his freedom of the city of Dublin, became one of the common council, ferved the office of sheriff, and was elected alderman. But though Mr. Barré attained all thofe city honours, when it became his turn to expect the mayoralty, he was passed over; a circumftance perhaps unprecedented in the hiftory of the city of Dublin, but founded upon a very fufficient reafon, that the mayoralty having annexed to it the office of a judge, who being always joined in Dddd the the commiffion of Oyer and Terminer, fat upon trials of life and death, it would be improper for a man to exercise fuch a truft, who was not only an alien born, but unacquainted with, or at leaft unable to pronounce the English language. It was the intention of alderman Barré to establish his fon Ifaac in trade, but an early inclination to a military life, determined the fon to pursue the profeffion of arms, and his father indulged his paffion, by procuring him a commiffion. Mr. Barré ferved fome time in Germany with great reputation, and it was in camp he formed that friendship with the prefent earl of Shelburne, which has trengthened with time, and in no inftance has ever appeared to be fhaken. Mr. Barre's father was liberal in his remittances to his fon; the late earl of Shelburne was of a parfimonious disposition, and Mr. Fitzmaurice fcarcely received fufficient to fupport his rank, much lefs to answer what his father confidered fuperfluous expences. The fituation of Mr. Fitzmaurice, enabled Mr. Barré to render him pecuniary favours, in which bis father affifted him by putting it in his power to advance confiderable fums to his noble friend. Such a connection naturally promoted the intereft of Mr. Barré; be rofe in the army; he became the confidential friend of Mr. Fitzmaurice; and he has ever fince followed and fupported his political meafures, fharing in his fortune, and acting upon his principles. While Mr. Barré was employed in the actual fervice of his country, he did not confine his ftudies to the manual operations of his profeffion. He fearched into the principles of men and politics, became intimately acquainted with English hiftory, and the spirit of English laws, for at this time his friend had infured him a feat in the British fenate. The prefent earl of Shelburne, at the death of his father, fulfilled his promifes to his friend. It has been said, that Mr. Barré was brought into parliament to oppofe the earl of Chatham, then Mr. Pitt; but the truth is, that though he oppofed Mr. Pitt when in parliament, yet he was brought into parliament by his patron from motives of gratitude and perfonal regard, and that similar motives induced him to fupport the party of his patron. The earl of Chatham has often acknowledged the force of his abilities; his oratory is compofed in the rough blunt language of a foldier, ornamented with ftrong figures, and ftrengthened with bold perfonalities. He generally argues from Facts, is clear in his calculations, and un derftands the bufinefs of the army eftimates, perhaps better than any man in parliament. When lord Chatham faid, Let the savage throw his tomahawk as far as he can, he bad already felt the execution which that tomahawk had done; and when on feeing a man in office hand him bifcuit, he obferved, "I thought they always fed it with flesh," the fatire though keen, fhewed that the object was feared. Mr. Barré has uniformly opposed the American war, and the fyftem of politics which firft produced it; of confequence he has uniformly opposed the adminiftration of lord North. Those who have attended the house of commons, muft know that his great information on the expenditures of the public money, and accurate knowledge of facts in the administration of public affairs, rendered him more formidable to the minifter than any of his coadjutors. Mr. Barré's military character ftands unimpeached, both as to fpirit and conduct, and was fufficient to raise him to the rank he held in the army, even had he flood unsupported by his noble patron. In the last war he commanded a regiment of a thousand men, and ferved a campaign in America, as adjutant general to the immortal Wolfe, with whom he was at Quebec, when that celebrated hero unfortunately fell. At this time he was alfo governor of Stirling Castle, the emolument of which place, with the pay of his commiffion, were worth fifteen hundred pounds per annum. At the conclufion of the peace his regiment was broke; he foon after loft his adjutant generalfhip, and was alfo deprived of his government. 'Thefe loffes he fuftained on account of the warm fupport he gave to the liberties of the people in parliament; but though the minifter ftripped him of employments and emoluments, he could never thake his firmnefs. No man in the house ever made Felix fo repeatedly tremble. He fill held his colonel's half pay, which was about one hundred and fixtyfix pounds per annum. The minifter determined to ortify the man he could neither frighte 'r corrupt. A junior officer was promoted over his head. Mr. Barré remonstrated and sued for his rank. The minifter was deaf to his claims. The delicacies of honour were roufed, and he facrificed his intereft to his feelings, by throwing up his half pay. Lord North and his friends being at length driven from the administration of public affairs, lord Rockingham fucceeded as premier, and the earl of Shelburne at 32. as one of the fecretaries of state. Colonel Barré was appointed treasurer of the navy; a circumftance which furprized the public, as the office of paymaster of the forces feemed the most applicable to his abilities. The people were now happy, flattering themselves from repeated declarations in parliament, that the new officers of government were perfectly united. The death of the marquis of Rockingham undeceived the nation. Lord Shelburne was appointed prime minifter, in confequence of which Mr. Fox, the other fecretary of ftate, refigned, as did Mr. Burke his office of paymafter of the forces, who was fucceeded by Mr. Barré. On the first meeting of the commons after this change, Mr. Cooke called upon the houfe to inquire into a penfion of three thousand two hundred pounds per ann. granted to colonel Barré. On the inveligation of this question it appeared, that the penfion was not to commence till Mr. Barré quitted his majefty's fervice. Mr. Barré defended his accepting this provifion for life, by a modeft recapitulation of his fervices, his loffes, and the treatment he had received, for his attachment to the conftitution. He clearly pointed out that the net produce of the penfion, after the reduction of taxes and fees, would not amount to more than two thoufand one hundred pounds per ann. That by lofing his rank, which would be that of an old lieutenant-general, he had loft at least four thousand guineas a year, whereas the penfion which he might hereafter enjoy, did not exceed the half pay he must have enjoyed had he been permitted to acquire his rank by pursuing his profeffion. Mr. Barré has long been deprived of the use of one eye, and for fome time has defluxion in the been afflicted with a other. The feverity of this diforder will probably foon render him incapable of ferving his majesty in office, and this circumftance fully vindicates his accepting a penfion upon the contingency of his being incapable of ferving the crown. The Character of the Earl of Morton, From Dr. Stuart's Hifiory of Scotland. TH HE earl of Morton, the laft of the Scottish regents, was low in ftature, had an engaging countenance, and poffeffed a form and habit vigorous and ac tive. His natural capacity and endow ments were uncommon; and his experience in the world, and in business was moft ample. He had known the greatest changes of fortune; the evils of poverty and exile, the advantages of immenfe wealth and exorbitant power, the blan difhments of flattery, and the wretchednefs of the most abject humiliation. He engaged himself in the pursuits of ambition with a pertinacity and ardour that could neither be repreffed nor fatigued; and he advanced in them with no fear of fhame, and no defire of glory. He was rather infolent than haughty, rather cuaning than wife, and more artificial than politic. In a period when every statesman was a foldier, he had talents for war as well as peace; but his courage was more undaunted in the cabinet, than in the He was fubtle, intriguing, and field. treacherous. He was ftained with rebellion and murder: and from the incurable malignity of his nature, he was inclined to wanton in mifchief, and to take a delight in the enormities of wickedness. He was close, cruel, covetous, and vindictive. He gratified without fcruple the madness of his paffions, and the whimfies His rapacity was heightof his caprice. ened and deformed by infults. He was forward to encounter every species of exeCration and odium. The contempt of integrity, which marked and polluted his public conduct, was alfo characteristic of his private life; and in both he difdained alike the cenfure and difapprobation of his compatriots. But while the vices of the man were not fo pernicious as the crimes of the politician, they were accompanied with cultivation and luftre. His mode of living, though voluptuous, was tafteful. His palaces and gardens were fplendid beyond the fashion of his His luxury had the charm of reage. finement; and while an ardent propenfity carried him to the fex, his amours were delicate and elegant. He relieved the agitations, and the cares of ambition, with the fmiles of beauty, and the folacements of love. But while his paffion for pleasure appears with fome advantage amidit the deformities of his character, it was little fuited to the complexion of his times. The aufterity and gloom which the preachers had excited in the body of the people, and which stood in the place of religion, were hoftile to gallantry in the greateft degree. His fenfualities, tho' the moft venial of all his errors, rouzed up against him the most general, and the molt indignant refentment. Odious with private corruptions, and execrable with public crimes, he exhausted the patience of an age accustomed to the most enor mous profligacy. The jealousy of his enemies, and the juftice of his nation, called him to expiate, upon the fcaffold, the murder of his fovereign; and he afcended it without the confolation of one He had yet reconciled himself to Ho virtue. Dddd 2 Heaven from partialities that are natural to man; and he relied with an affured hope upon entering into a happy immortality in another exiftence. His bursts of repentance and remorse were humiliating and instructive; and terminated with propriety the tenor of a life, which had never experienced the fatisfaction, and the tranfports of patriotifm and probity. Reflections concerning the Law of Imprifonment for Debt. AVING lately heard it is in con community at large. If there wanted any further proof, of the want of compulsion on the creditor, one need only view the intolerable abufe of mankind, as to credit, from what must have happened to almost every tradesman, from the mischievous confequences occafioned by an act paffed, not long fince, for restraining ar refts under ten pounds; with what daring effrontery did not the debtor fly in the face of his creditor, when he found the law fo far relaxed, that there was almoft no longer any hold upon him? Did he not daringly and impudently infult him H templation to bring in a bill next to his face, telling him to do his work; feffion of parliament, to make fome alterations with regard to legal proceedings, I have taken up my pen, with a view of faying a few words, respecting the prefent mode and law of imprifonment for debt; hoping fome alterations may be made therein, which feem to be abfolutely neceffary. I shall begin, with attempting to refute an abfurd doctrine, which I have heard often urged with much warmth, namely, that it would be better for the trading part of mankind in general, if there was no law to imprifon the perfon of the debtor; and another pofition equally ridiculous, viz. that there should be no credit; but that fuppofing there fhould be credit given, there need be no imprisonment. I think it can scarcely be denied, that a proper circulation of credit, is the life of trade, and that from a well regulated courfe of credit, many men in the city of London, have amaffed confiderable for tunes; indeed, it should feem that it would be impoffible for the trading part of the world to do without it. It is from regular returns, made in confequence of a well managed credit in traffic, that the profit accumulates; hence the fortune refuits, and hence the pleasures to be derived from the profits of industry. I would afk, what would the merchant do with out credit? What the common mechanic? What the weekly labourer do? Nay, fo far from it being poffible to do without credit, it feems to me, that one might as well expect the blood to flow, when the body was deprived of life. If it could be demonftrated, that no credit was neceffary, to be fure no law need exit againit debtors; but the volumes of law, (if I may so speak) which are provided in that refpect, feem not only to presuppose the unavoidable neceffity of credit, but an abfolute ncceffity of fome compulfion on the creditor, in cafe of his abufe of, or inattention to that credit, to demonftratively neceffary, not only to his own welfare, but that of the the legislature having unfortunately (thro But fuppofing for a moment the perfon is taken, depend upon it his effects are previously carefully put out of your reach, and if you fend him to gaol, what then? Why he goes loaded with debt and cofts, without perhaps ability or profpect of pay. ing either the one or the other, whereas, had the law allowed his perfon to be taken, as formerly, I do affert and infift, that the probability would be, that if the debtor had had wherewith to pay, or friends to help him, he would pay, or |