deprived of the power of pointing out their property, if it should be ordered to be reftored. Their misfortunes however did not end here; they were compelled to deliver up their money and bills; nay, one of them, upon whom two bills had been drawn by the government of Holland, was abfolutely forced to accept them, and thereby confirm his ruin, by making himself refponfible for a fum which he never could pay, as he had been deprived of the means of payment. But to the difgrace of chriftianity, the heaviest of these calamities fell upon the Jews. In common with the rest of the inhabitants, they fuffered the lefs of their merchandise, their bills, their houses, clothes, provifions, and then they were ordered to prepare for banishment. They petioned, implored, remonftrated againft fo hard a fentence, but in vain; it was irrevocable, and they must obey. They defired to know for what country they were deftined-no answer was giv en. Their wives and children were getting ready to depart; but the iron hand of power inter fered to feparate the most tender relations; they were informed, the hufbands only were to depart, and they must stay behind. This was a ftroke for which they were not prepared their feelings might perhaps be conceived, but it was impoffible to express them: these poor men thus ftripped of their property, and torn from their families, fet out for the beach, guarded by our foldiers, and at a fort of weighing-house, as at our turapikes, their very cloaths were examined, left money might have been concealed. One of the poor wretches had fewed 200 three-pound twelves in his coat, which were discovered; he was turned out immediately from among the reft, and fet apart for punishment, for having en deavoured to conceal some small remains of the wreck of his fortune. Two other Jews had been detected in a breach of the order for delivering up the whole of their money. Upon one of them were found 900 Johannes. This man's cafe was peculiarly fevere.-He had formerly lived at Rhode 10land; and because he had imported tea contrary to the command of the Ame. ricans, he was stripped of all he was worth, and driven out of the inland; his brother shared in his misfortunes, but did not furvive them: bis death increafed the care of the furvivor, as he got an additional family, in his brother's children, to take care of. Another Jew married his filter; and both of them following the British army had for their loyalty fome lands given them with other refugees: they built a kind of fort to defend themselves, but this was foon after at tacked and carried by the Americans, and not a man who defended it efcaped; the Jew's brother in-law fell during the attack; the Jew furvived. Having then the family of his deceated brother and brother-in-law, his mother and fifter, to fupport, he fettled at Euftatia, where he made 1ome money, and maintained his family, when he was once more ruined by the commanders of British army, to whole caufe he was lo much @ttached, and in whofe caufe he had loft two brothers and his property twice. Other inftances of fimilar cruelty were to be enumerated. About 4 of these poor men were fent on board the Shrewsbury man of war; nor was it known to what place they had been carried.

But the profcription and banishinent did not end here. An order was iffued that all Americans fhould depart the ifland. No distinction between friends and foes! between those who were there for the purpose of buying up warlike stores, and those who were merely refidents, without having any concern in trade. The fentence was general; all were ordered to depart, though proof could have been brought that many of them were loyal fubjects, who had quitted America folely for the purpose of avoiding every temptation to forfeit allegiance by the oath of abjuration impofed by the Congrefs, and which they mufl take, or leave the country. They chose the latter, and the reward of their loyalty was a complete pro fcription; and the fentence of beggary was pronounced indifcriminately against all. But in St. Chriftopher's they found that humanity which ďa not exist in Euftatia; the legidature of that inland readily concurred in a refolution to fupport the profcribed at the public expence.

The British fubjects found at Eustatia might well claim the protection of British commanders; but they did not experience it. They had the fanction of acts of parliaments for their trade with that island; but acts of parliament were of no weight with Sir George Rodney; for fitting on a great gun on board the Sandwick, he told Mr. Glanville, folicitor general of St. Chrifto pher's, that the Grenada at was impolitic, and had been obtained by factious people for partial ends. The pretext alledged for difpofing of the property found on the island was, that the merchandife might not be told or conveyed to the enemy; yet it was well known that the very goods which were confiicted, merely that they might not be conveyed to the enemy, were, after the fale, transported to French and American fettlements, and to the Danish islands of St. Croix and St. Thomas, from which the Americans, French, and Spaniards, might be supplied; nay, for the convenience of the purchasers t Euftatia, the commanders bad disposed of vesselt to carry out of the ifland goods that might have been purchased on it: and though the British property was fe`zed merely for being found in a neutral port, yet it was well known that the British officers under Sir George Rodney's command, had often carried their prizes to that ifland, and difpofed of them there.

The measure was not only illegal, but preg. nant with the worft policy. Could we affure ourselves that our enemies would not retaliate, and make our innocent fellow-fubjects expiate the cruelties exercised on other nations by the authority of our Court? The brilliant example of juftice and humanity given by Lewis XIV. with respect to the British property in Grenada, had been loft; and the fteps of our minifters are to be traced up to barbarity and inhumanity.

After going through many other arguments on the law of nations, this masterly speaker concluded with a motion for an humble addrefs to his Majefty for all the papers, orders, &c. that paffed between the minifters and the commanders in chief, relative to the difpofition of property on the island of St. Euftatia.

Lord George Germain, with that ability and found argument which characterise his fordib.p's fpeeches, refuted Mr. Burke's reasoning in every

material

material point. He declared, that in all orders tranfmitted to our commanders on the Weft la dia station, pofitive directions were given to respect the property of British lubjects, and protect them as much as potüible: nor did he enters tain the least doubt that these orders had been pun&tually executed; but if in any inftance an individual found himself aggrieved, he bad only to make known the injury fuftained, and might obtain legal addrefs. As to the confifcation of the Dutch property in the inland of St. Euftatia, his lordship contended, that the merchandise and property of individuals in a conquered country may be justly feized, either for the crown or the captors, referving to the inhabitants only their eftates and houshold furniture. If this was an error, he was grofly deceived indeed; he was confident it stood clearly juftifiable by precedent, But it was not neceffary to hold this polition on the present occafion; for indi putably to feize and destroy an enemy's magazines was allowable in war, and the island of St. Euftatia fell precifely within that defcription; it was a mere depot or magazine for the ufe of the French and Americans. To evince this, his lordship read part of a letter addreffed to him from admiral Rodney, wherein the practices of the Dutch at the island in question were thewa to have been highly inimical to this country. To fuch a pitch of hoftility had they arrived, that when the admiral, on his return to the Weft Indies, after being that tered by the tempeft off the coaft of North America, fent to purchase cordage for refitting his ships, they returned for answer, that they had none on the inland; and yet, when the place was taken, many thousand tons were found in the warehouses, which had lain there a confiderable time. The admiral further oblerves, that this had long been their mode of behaviour towards the English fhips: for though repeated applications had been made for cordage, not more than 30 tons had been procured, in all, during the course of the whole war. In this letter admiral Rodocy alfo mentions his diftribution of, the confiscated ́ property; that the perishable goods were to be immediately fold; the provifions and ftores (fuch excepted as were neceffary for the fupport of the place) were to be shipped for the neighbouring illands; and the other effects were to be fent to Great Britain. As for the money found in the public coffers, it was to be embarked on board the Sandwich, and that seized elsewhere to be fealed up and depofited in places of fecurity.

His lordship remarked upon this letter, that the reasons of the admiral's conduct were very apparent; and if the fland was what it was there reprefeated, an enemy's magazine, he trufted nobody would deny the confifcation of property to have been a meature juftifiable. The bonourable gentleman had complained of one procedure, which he would heartily join him in condemning, the perfecution of the Jewe; but that was a measure, he could affure the Houle, which admiral Rodney did not direct, and which he counteracted as foon as it came to his knowJedge. The admiral was firft informed of that illiberal project by the reprefentations of the luf ferers; he then felt as much indignation at it as the honourable gentleman could do, and inter

pofed his authority to prevent its further execution, commanding that the Jews fhould be brought back. This he could ftate to the House on the authority of a gentleman now in London, who was himlelf the perfon employed by the tufferers to remonftrate in their favour.

With respect to the other parts of the admiral's conduct, which the honourable gentleman had reprehended, his banishing Americans and others; he muft contend, that the commanders had an unquestionable right to take every meafure their own policy fuggefted for the fecurity of the island; and no man who knew admiral Rodney would believe him capable of using unneceffary feverity. But the inland of St. Euftatia was crouded with foreigners of all countries and defcriptions, who came there entirely on commercial pursuits, and who, confequently, when the merchandile was gone, could defire to stay there for no proper purpose: they were therefore naturally objects of fulpicion, and the precaution in quel tion was no doubt highly prudential. As a remarkable inftance of the wealth and population of this colony, entirely owing to the refort of frangers and their beneficial engagements with our enemies, his lordship here lated, that the rent of houfes in the town of St. Euftatis amount ed to near a million sterling per ann.

The honourable gentleman had compared our conduct with that of France in the capture of Grenada; but it was impoffible any comparison could lie between cafes totally diffimilar, between the surrender of a peaceable island, whole wealth was agriculture, and that of a barren spot, where a promilcuous affemblage of enemies had fixed their magazines for our deftinétion, The liftinction was iufficiently ma ked in the conduct of the fame admiral towards Demarary and Iffe. quibo; for finding these fettlements in the fame fituation as the French found Grenada, he gave them terms ftill more advantageous than thole now held up as pattern for us to imitate. Before he fat down, his lordship, in compli ance with Mr. Rawlinson's request, affured the House, that orders had been tran mitted for the fatisfaction of the petitioners, and the better fecarity of the British property.

Mr. St. John fpoke next after lord George Germaine, and long debates eafued, which latted till twelve o'clock, when the question was decided by a divifion,

T

approves; for that bill grants the king an army, whereas fearch ours throughout, and you will not find a fingle foldier granted by it. The Englith mutiny-bill grants an army for twelve months, and is called a limited bill; under our's an army has no existence, even for a single day:-how then do you call it perpetual ?—We are told that the crown, armed with a perpetual mutiny bill, and fupported by an hereditary revenue, may overturn the liberties of the fubje&, or compel the execution of British ftatutes in lieland; but will any mau believe, fuppofing fome future monarch fhould entertain fuch thoughts, that the hereditary revenue, loaded with numberless deductions, and unable to support the very feeble army at prelent upon our eltablishment, would be a fund tufficient to maintain an army equal to the task of conquering the brave difciplined people of Ireland? This law, which enforces order and fubordination in the army, fome have affected to call by the name of martial law, but martial law is pro tempore a suspension of the conftitution, which this is intended to defend, The preamble to the British law which grants an army, regulates their number and appoints their pay; declares that a Banding army in time of peace is highly unconftitutional; but does it not, by the Atropgeft implication, lay at the fame time, that in time of war a standing army is nes ceffary?

Mr. Corry aid he had always fupported the Irish mutiny bill, as an establishment to that great principle, which he would ever defend within thele walls and without-the Supremacy and independency of the Irish Parliament-that our constitution is eltablished by it, as it flands against England, and that the prefent was a question of, time only, and regarded a point between the Irish nation and the Irish king: He thought another time would be better to agitate it, because the people were now in peace and induftry, and did not call for this meature at this moment; for if it appeared to be the fenfe of the nation, or that they were unealy for the present moment, he would fupport the motion. He defired pot to give any opinion by the vote of to-night but as to time, and begged leave to confider himself as not precluded by it from fupporting upon another occa fion if it itemed a fit measure, the change of this bill, and the infertion of a biennial claule.

Mr. Forbes faid, that the British legiflature, jealous of their liberty, had made their mutiny bill from year to year-that no man in the British fenate would dare to propole a perpetual one-they would not dare to violate the constitution-their lives would pay the forfeit but the parliament of this country had entered into it with uncommon alacrity Lord Coke had laid that, "the legiflatu e had not power to make over, or de*legate the rights of the people to any man or “body of men," as the perpetual mutiny-bill has done. The example of Dudley, Sec. ought to be a warning to parliament never to trifle with the liberties of the people. The conflitation of the ftate had often been compared to the confti. tution or the human body-no part could be in jured without difordering the whole-and if the foldiery were to be bound by a code repugnant to the principles of the conftitution, by articles of

war arbitrarily imposed upon them, he defired to know in what was the liberty of the fubjećt fafe.

Sir Boyle Roche said, that he was a foldier, reared and educated in the army; which he had ever found a school of virtue and honour: The he had never felt himself hurt, nor ever heard others complain of the laws by which it warge verned: That our armies were railed for the de fence of liberty, and that they were fuperior the armies of other nations, from whom the example of oppreffion had been quoted, in the fame proportion as their principles and purpo virtue, honour, and liberty, exceeded balcaer tyranny, and ambition. He faid, now that the rights of Ireland were restored through the me diation of that great man lard Hillsborough whote memory will reign in the hearts of Irib men, while gratitude and public virtue ball warm their breafts, now that the influence of foreig legislature was done away, and we are governed by laws wholly our own, we should endeavour ta cement the union between this country and Eng land. Our profperity and intereft were now the fame; there was now no more difference be tween England and Ireland, than between Middlelex and York. We were now all become Englishmen, and no friend of either country would attempt difunion.

Mr. Daly laid-We have all had ample time and opportunity to confider the question at prefent before us; therefore whatever part we take mult be with full conviction, and our eyes open:

If we defire to a uprightly, we cannot ge aftray-it requires no depth of understanding la decide upon tois question-integrity and spirit a all we want.That a perpetual mutiny-bill isobviously repugnant to our conftitution, and against the fift principle of the state, all the milerable apologies which have been made to glofs it over, may easily be feen through—it hat not even the pitiful plea of expediency. - It is a stroke aimed at the dignity of parliament, intended to fubvert the independence of the nation.

Could not parliament have been truffed with the biennial pathing of a mutiny-bili ? In our hands it would have been perpetual if the crown had made no ill ufe of it; but it is faid that by this bill all further cause of diffention between the two countries is removed.If it is removed, it is because this house bas tied up its handsbecaufe it has put the fword into the power of its adverfary.I hope, and I believe no dispute will ever take place between this country and her fovereign-it is a long time fince the crown attempted to take any arbitrary ftrides-fatal example and refined policy have taught it to change its mode of attack-the fupreme autho rity of the English legislature over all the appendencies of Britain, has been the favourite doctrine of the present times.It we then relinquish to them the power of the sword, all our other rights muit fall; and the nation, which has fpent fifty millions to coerce America, may, perhaps, fpend the tenth part of that fum to fubdue Ireland. I do not think that this wil ever happen; but why are we in fuch a hurry to throw away the inftrument by which we could prevent it? And why, if England withes to con

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approves; for that bill grants the king an army, whereas fearch ours throughout, and you will not find a fingle foldier granted by it. The Englith mutiny-bill grants an army for twelve months, and is called a limited bill; under our's an army has no existence, even for a single day: how then do you call it perpetual?-We are told that the crown, armed with a perpetual mutiny-bill, and fupported by an bereditary revenue, may overturn the liberties of the fubje&, or compel the execution of British ftatutes in Ireland; but will any man believe, fuppofing fome future monarch fhould entertain fuch thoughts, that the hereditary revenue, loaded with numberless deductions, and unable to fupport the very feeble army at prelent upon our eltablishment, would be a fund fufficient to maintain an army equal to the task of conquering the brave difciplined people of Ireland? This law, which enforces order and fubordination in the army, fome have affected to call by the name of martial law, but martial law is pro tempore a suspenfion of the conftitution, which this is intended to defend, The preamble to the British law which grants an army, regulates their number and appoints their pay; declates that a fanding army in time of peace is highly unconstitutional; but does it not, by the strongest implication, fay at the fame sime, that in time of war a standing army is nes ceffary?

Mr. Corry faid he had always fupported the Irish mutiny bill, as an establishment to that great principle, which he would ever defend within thele walls and without-the Supremacy and independency of the Irish Parliament that our constitution is eftablished by it, as it lands against England, and that the prefent was a question of time only, and regarded a poins between the Irish nation and the Irish king: He thought another time would be better to agitate it, because the people were now in peace and induftry, and did not call for this mealure at this moment; for if is appeared to be the fenfe of the nation, or that they were unealy for the prefent moment, he would fupport the motion. He defired not to give any opinion by the vote of to-night but as to time, and begged leave to consider himself as not precluded by it from supporting upon another occa fion if it seemed a fit measure, the change of this bill, and the infertion of a biennial claule.

Mr. Forbes faid, that the British legislature, jealous of their liberty, had made their mutiny bill from year to year that no man in the British fenate would dare to propole a perpetual one-they would not dare to violate the conftitution-their lives would pay the forfeit but the parliament of this country had entered into it with uncommon alacrityLord Coke had faid that, "the le giflature had not power to make over, or de"legate the rights of the people to any man or body of men," as the perpetual mutiny-bill has done. The example of Dudley, &c. ought to be a warning to parliament never to trifle with the liberties of the people. The conftitation of the ftate had often been compared to the confti. tution or the human body-no part could be in jured without disordering the whole-and if the foldiery were to be bound by a code repugnant to the principles of the conftitution, by articles of

war arbitrarily imposed upon them, he defired to know in what was the liberty of the subject fafe.

Sir Boyle Roche faid, that he was a foldier, reared and educated in the army; which he had ever found a school of virtue and honour: That he had never felt himself hurt, nor ever heard others complain of the laws by which it was go. verned: That our armies were raised for the de fence of liberty, and that they were fuperior to the armies of other nations, from whom the example of oppreffion had been quoted, in the fame proportion as their principles and purpose, virtue, honour, and liberty, exceeded balenels, tyranny, and ambition. He faid, now that the rights of Ireland were reftored through the me diation of that great man lord Hillsborough, whote memory will reign in the hearts of Irith. men, while gratitude and public virtue fhall warn their breafts, now that the influence of foreign legislature was done away, and we are governed by jaws wholly our own, we should endeavour to cement the union between this country and Eng. land. Our profperity and intereft were now the fame; there was now no more difference be tween England and Ireland, than between Mid. dlelex and York. We were now all become Englishmen, and no friend of either country would attempt difunion.

Mr. Daly laid-We have all had ample time and opportunity to confider the queftion at prefent before us; therefore whatever part we take mutt be with full conviction, and our eyes open:

If we defire to act uprightly, we cannot go aftray-it requires no depth of understanding to decide upon tois queftion-integrity and fpirit is all we want.That a perpetual mutiny-bill is obviously repugnant to our conftitution, and against the fift principle of the state, all the milerable apologies which have been made to glofs it over, may easily be feen through it has not even the pititul plea of expediency. - It is ftroke aimed at the dignity of parliament, in tended to fubvert the independence of the nation.

Could not parliament have been trafted with the biennial pathing of a mutiny-bili? In our hands it would have been perpetual if the crown had made no ill ufe of it; but it is faid that by this bill all further caufe of diflention-between the two countries is removed.If it is removed, it is because this house bas tied up its hands because it has put the fword into the power of its adverfary.I hope, and I believe no dispute will ever take place between this country and her fovereign-it is a long time fince the crown attempted to take any arbitrary ftrides-fatal example and refined policy have taught it to change its mode of attack-the fupreme autho rity of the English legislature over all the sp. pendencies of Britain, has been the favourite doctrine of the prefent times. If we then relinquish to them the power of the fword, all eur other rights muit fall; and the nation, which has fpent fifty millions to coerce America, may, perhaps, spend the tenth part of that fum to fubdue Ireland. I do not think that this will ever happen; but why are we in fuch a hurry to throw away the inftrument by which we could prevent it? And why, if England withes to con

ciliate