the many years, has been a great problem for the United States, and a great embarrassment. It is a problem for the United States because, as you recall, we at Belgrade insisted upon implementation by the Soviet Union and the countries of the East of the human rights provisions of the Helsinki Accords. Our capability, our ability, and our credibility to do so was greatly impaired at Belgrade and will be greatly impaired at Madrid in 1980 by the failure of our country to ratify the human rights treaties which are now before you.

It is almost incredible to believe, for example and you will forgive me if I bring it up, because this committee has tried to get the Genocide Convention approved-that 30 years have passed since the Genocide Convention was transmitted to the Senate. It is incredible to believe that in this day and age, where there is an increasing conception of what the Holocaust is all about, the Genocide Convention should not have been ratified. This is also true of the four treaties transmitted by the President to this committee, although less time has elapsed in their case.

These four treaties, in essence, embody what our Government long has done. It is rather ironic that while many other countries in the world fall so far short of the human rights standards which our Constitution, Bill of Rights, and laws passed by Congress provide, both in the civil rights area and in the social and economic area, our country should drag its feet in ratifying these treaties.

This is so anomalous that it is difficult to explain. We, who have a great record-not perfect, to be sure, but a great record-should have been among the first to ratify these treaties.

Mr. Chairman, I am aware that there is language in these treaties which causes constitutional concern.

In this connection, two of these treaties, not the North American one, were enacted by the General Assembly while I was our Ambassador at the United Nations. When I signed the first of them, the International Covenant on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, I, for our country, made this statement:

The Constitution of the United States contains provisions for the protection of individual rights, such as the right of free speech, and nothing in the Convention shall be deemed to require or to authorize legislation or other action by the United States of America incompatible with the provisions of the Constitution of the United States of America.

I made similar statements in reference to the other covenants when they were before the relevant committees of the United Nations. It seems to me that this type of situation is unlike the SALT Treaty you have been considering recently, where amendments or even reservations may go to the heart of the treaty and may necessitate renegotiation. These human rights treaties are the type of treaties where the Senate, in its wisdom, and this committee, in recommending them to the Senate, can, by an appropriate understanding or reservation, state that the treaties must be interpreted to conform to our Constitution and both domestic and international law. Such an understanding or reservation would conform with the legislative history of the covenants when they were before the United Nations. In this way there will be clear notice to all signatories that the Senate, also, is honoring what every member of the United Nations knew our position was during United Nations negotiation of these treaties.

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Indeed, to use a lawyer's term, the statements we made in reference to these treaties, where language appears which, on first reading, may appear to present some problem, are part of the treaties, the covenants, themselves. Every signatory state understands this. Every member of the United Nations knows very well that the United States is bound by a constitution and laws and that treaties ratified by our country must conform with our Constitution.

In summary, Mr. Chairman, I recommend the ratification of these treaties. I reaffirm the support which I have given through many years and which this committee has given for many years to ratification of the Genocide Convention. In so doing, I speak not only for myself in my personal capacity and as a former U.S. Ambassador and as a former chairman of our delegation at Belgrade, but I speak in behalf of the Ad Hoc Committee for Ratification of the Genocide and Human Rights Conventions, which consists of 52 organizations, comprising many millions of Americans drawn broadly from all segments of our society, such as labor unions, churches, synagogues, and ethnic groups. Indeed, the 52 organizations mirror the type of country we are proud to be.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

[The prepared statement of Justice Goldberg follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HON. ARTHUr J. Goldberg

I appear before this distinguished committee in support of ratification by the Senate of four treaties pertaining to human rights.

Three of these treaties were negotiated at the United Nations: The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; and The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The fourth treaty was adopted by the Organization of American States in 1969 and is open for adoption only by members of that Organization.

I also appear to reaffirm my support of the Genocide Convention which this committee has recommended on several occasions to the Senate for ratification. My appearance is on behalf of the Ad Hoc Committee on Human Rights and Genocide Treaties, a committee of 52 national organizations whose total membership is in the millions.

The failure of the Senate to ratify the International Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Racial Discrimination which I signed on behalf of the United States on September 28, 1966 was both a problem and an embarrassment to the United States and to me during my tenure at the United Nations.

The failure of Presidents of the United States to sign the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on December 16, 1966 and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on September 16, 1966 was likewise a problem and embarrassment both to our country and to me as United States Ambassador. The failure of the United States to sign the fourth human rights treaty adopted by the Organization of American States in 1969 until June 1, 1977 was similarly a problem to our country and to those charged with the conduct of our country's foreign policy.

It was not until the convening of the Belgrade Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe that President Carter on October 5, 1977 signed the Economic Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

And I need scarcely remind this committee that the Genocide Convention was transmitted to the Senate on June 6, 1949, more than thirty years ago, and still has not been ratified and that the other conventions that I have referred to await ratification by the Senate.

This does our country little credit. We are one of the very few nations which have not ratified these treaties.

More importantly, the substance of the provisions of these four treaties are entirely consistent with the letter and spirit of the United States Constitution and laws. In addition, President Carter in his letter transmitting these treaties to the Senate on February 23, 1978 stated "Wherever a provision is in conflict with United States law, a reservation, understanding or declaration has been recommended. The Department of Justice concurs in the judgment of the Department of State that, with the inclusion of these reservations, understanding and declarations, there are no constitutional or other legal obstacles to United States ratification. The reports of the Department of State on these four treaties describe their provisions and set forth the recommended reservations, understanding and declarations."

The contents of these treaties have been adequately described and set forth in the letter of transmission by the President and the accompanying statement by the Secretary of State. I shall not take the time of this committee to repeat what they have said. Their explanation is comprehensive and encompasses all aspects of the four treaties.

Inasmuch as I was Chairman of the American delegation to the Belgrade C.S.C.E. conference in 1977/1978, I believe it fitting to emphasize the significance of these treaties in light of our national resolve to obtain full implementation of the Helsinki Final Act.

Principle VII of the Final Act declares that "In the field of human rights and fundamental freedoms, the participating States will act in conformity with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They will also fulfill their obligations as set forth in the international declarations and agreements in this field, including inter alia the International Covenants on Human Rights, by which they may be bound."

Inasmuch, as the implementation review of compliance by all signatory states and particularly the East with the human rights provision of the Helsinki Final Act is one of its most important aspects, the United States is hampered in seeking a full and adequate review by its failure to ratify the international covenants relating to human rights.

We were challenged by the Soviet Union and its satellites on this very ground at Belgrade; we will be challenged again in late 1980 when the next Helsinki C.S.C.E. conference takes place in Madrid.

I should also like to note that the United States has been a leader in the negotiation of these treaties. This is natural and understandable. Our country is recognized to be the leading advocate of human rights and fundamental freedoms here and abroad.

If this advocacy is to be accepted as something more than mere rhetoric it is particularly important that at long last we ratify the Genocide Convention and that we ratify the four human rights treaties under consideration by the committee. All are thoroughly consistent with our national purposes as reflected by the Bill of Rights and the Constitution.

Senator PELL. Thank you very much.

RIGHT TO OWN PRIVATE PROPERTY REFERENCE

What is your view with regard to the suggestion of Senator Helms that there should be some reference to the right to own private property?

Justice GOLDBERG. I heard the Senator's statement and I think there is merit in it. But, with due respect to Senator Helms, I would not phrase it in precisely that language.

Each country has the right to determine its own social system. In reference to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we, in America, have throughout the years reaffirmed the right of our citizens to own property as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights provides.

We must remember that when the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was enacted many years ago, the world was a different world than it is now. The United Nations members were mostly Western

countries which adhere to the system, which I strongly support, of free enterprise and private property. But we must recognize that in a pluralistic world each country has the right to adopt its own social and economic system. We cannot interpose our views, as good as we think they are, upon other countries.

So I think a variation of what Senator Helms has proposed could take care of his legitimate concern, which is that nothing in the ratification process shall in any way affect our method of recognizing and respecting private enterprise or private property and that expropriation of American property on foreign countries is something we do not favor and must in any event, comply with international law.

AMENDMENT DEALING WITH ARTICLE 17 PRIVATE PROPERTY CLAUSE

Senator PELL. I believe these treaties exclude article 17 of the Declaration of Human Rights which refers to private property as a human right. Would you then be opposed to an amendment in this regard to the treaty?

Justice GOLDBERG. I would be opposed to an amendment but would support a reservation or understanding of the type I have described.

When I was United Nations Ambassador, I made very clear that the United States takes the position that these treaties in no way impair any country's right to protect under its constitutional processes the right to own property and to develop its own economic system in its own way.

Not all provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are incorporated verbatim into these treaties. These treaties are not merely a reaffirmation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They contain many provisions which go beyond the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They also omit some of the provisions of the Declaration. These treaties stand on their own. As I said earlier, every country in the world knows that in negotiating these covenants, the United States very plainly said that these treaties in no way impair our Constitution and its protection of individual rights and private property.

Senator PELL. But what you are talking about here is an understanding or a reservation and not an amendment; isn't that correct?

Justice GOLDBERG. Yes. We cannot amend a treaty unless we renegotiate. I apologize for not catching the import of your statement. I think what Senator Helms is concerned with is the principle and not the form. In form there could be an appropriate understanding or reservation which, however, should be confined to our country and rules of international law. We cannot, as I said, impose our system upon other countries. We can reassert the validity and our commitment to our own system. That we have a right to do and should do. Senator PELL. Thank you.

RESERVATIONS THAT DEFEAT PURPOSES OF COVENANTS

I have another question along these same lines. Do you consider the general declaration concerning the non-self-executing nature of the covenants to be construed as defeating the object and purpose of the covenants?

Justice GOLDBERG. I'm sorry, but I didn't quite hear you.

Senator PELL. This is in connection with reservations to the covenants, whether you believe any of the ones on which we now are working, or that are coming before this committee, defeat the purposes of the covenants. In particular, do you believe the general declaration concerning the non-self-executing nature of the covenants might be construed as defeating the object and purpose of the covenants?

Justice GOLDBERG. No: I do not.

Senator JAVITS. Mr. Chairman, might I ask one question, please. I am needed on the floor.

Senator PELL. Certainly, Senator Javits.

PRESIDENT CARTER'S DECLARATION ON PRIVATE PROPERTY

Senator JAVITS. Mr. Ambassador, the President recommends in connection with the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights the following declaration, which is relevant to what you have just testified:

The United States declares that nothing in the covenant derogates from the equal obligation of all states to fulfill their responsibilities under international law. The United States understands that under the covenant everyone has the right to own property alone, as well as in association with others. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.

Do you consider that adequate? Would you have any suggestions as to revision or any other comment respecting this declaration?

Justice GOLDBERG. In my prepared statement I referred to the President's reservation, but I did not read it. I have one difference with this formulation, the one that I mentioned. This is that I think this committee, in its wisdom, might well tailor a more carefully crafted reservation relating to the fact that we are talking about our country and international law.

The point I am making is a simple fact of life. It is that we cannot impose our views about social and economic matters upon other countries.

I am not talking exclusively now, for example, about social systems in the East. We have NATO allies which have socialist regimes. They have taken over various types of property. It is not our system to do so, but it is not our prerogative to impose our views on them.

So I would think the President's reservation should be more carefully crafted. I am sure, in the wisdom of this committee, that reservation will be considered in light of the obvious fact of life I have mentioned. Senator JAVITS. The President suggests this declaration respecting this particular covenant, the one on economic, social, and cultural rights. I assume that any declaration to be made should apply to all of the treaties. Indeed, it should just be the general policy of the United States. As it is a declaration, might it not be generically applied to all treaties of this character to which the United States is a party? Justice GOLDBERG. Senator Javits, that is exactly so. This is not a new thing, as I have said.

I negotiated these covenants when I was Ambassador at the United Nations. In each case I made very clear that nothing in the treaties shall in any way impair the protections accorded by the Constitution. I did so in the case of each of the covenants. There well might be drafted a declaration in the form of a reservation or understanding saying that nothing in any of these treaties in any way shall impair the Constitution of the United States.