account of her entrance into the suffrage work, which explains unquestionably why a large number of women joined the new association who before could not have been persuaded to go into it.

"One of the comforts which I found in the new association was the relief which it afforded me from a sense of isolation and eccentricity. For years past I had felt strongly impelled to lend my voice to the convictions of my heart. I had done this in a way, from time to time, always with the feeling that my course in so doing was held to call for apology and explanation by the men and women with whose opinions I had hitherto been familiar. I now found a sphere of action in which this mode of expression no longer appeared singular or eccentric, but simple, natural, and, under the circumstances, inevitable."

Although the Equal Rights Association started off with much enthusiasm and many new recruits, it at once was evident that the sources from which Miss Anthony felt she had a right to expect strongest support were lukewarm or frankly hostile-these were the old Anti-Slavery Society and the Republican party. The former declared its work was done. Its leaders, Garrison, Phillips and others opposed merging it into the Equal Rights Association, and they expressed their doubt of the wisdom of combining negro suffrage and woman suffrage. As for the Republican party, it refused to consider such an effort. It was "the negro's hour." To attempt too much was to lose all.

The truth was, of course, that the Republican party was in what it felt to be a life and death struggle to preserve its hold on the country. It regarded negro suffrage as a political necessity. It was not unconscious that enfranchising the negro was one of the most audacious undertakings that practical politicians ever put their hands to. It believed, and rightly, that to combine woman's suffrage with this already overheavy plank would be to invite ruin. Nearly all of the former supporters of woman's suffrage believed this: Sumner, Garrison, Wendell Phillips, the Post and the Tribune. They plead with the women to wait--but Miss Anthony's scorn for expediency, compromise, patience, the thing that can be done, was burning. She would neither listen nor hold, and if the Republicans would not heed she would go to the Democrats!

It was not long before the opposition of the leading Republicans to joining the two causes began to tell on the enthusiasm of the women. Why not wait-why imperil negro suffrage why ruin the party to which the great majority of them were now tied by the experiences of the war? And thus a break began in the new association. It was hastened by the reckless alli

ances into which Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton rushed. Seeing but the one thing, they were willing to accept any help held out to them, regardless of the character, the wisdom, the principles of the helper. The most fantastic alliance they made was with George Francis Train.

In the fall of 1867 the two women went to Kansas to campaign in favor of an amendment to the state constitution giving the ballot to women. It was the first time such a measure

had been put before a state and the women rightfully felt that its success would be of great importance. Lucy Stone and H. B. Blackwell had made a canvass of the state in the interests of the amendment in the spring and found so strong a feeling in favor of it that they returned thinking it certain of success, but later complications set in. The Kansas Republicans began to realize that two amendments of such radical character were a heavy load. The Eastern Republicans, Greeley, Tilton, et al., urged them not to imperil the chance of negro suffrage. As soon as Miss Anthony learned the turn in opinion, she and Mrs. Stanton hastened to the state. For a month they campaigned under every possible difficulty: short funds, Republican opposition, negro opposition, physical hardships of the most wearing sort, and, worst of all, a growing conviction that they were not gaining ground. Then it was that George Francis Train, a spectacular, erratic and wealthy adventurer in industry and politics, a Democrat, young, handsome and brilliant, a self-nominated candidate for the presidency, wired that he was ready to join their campaign, that he would pay his own expenses and that he believed he could win every Democratic vote in Kansas for them. They did not hesitate. If the Republicans would not support them, they were ready to ally themselves with the Democrats. Taking a fresh start, the two women and Mr. Train spent another month stumping the state. The work was kept up until election, when both amendments were defeated. However, 9,000 votes were cast for Woman's Suffrage.

Mr. Train was not a whit dismayed and he now offered to pay all the expenses of an Eastward lecture tour if they would make it. Many of their best friends implored them not to do this, but they probably took real satisfaction in flouting Republican advice and at Mr. Train's expense lectured their way to New York. To one who traces their doings from this day, it is a genuine relief to know that by Mr. Train's generosity their trip was made luxurious-so little luxury ever came plucky "Susan B.'s" way!

Doubtful as many of their friends were of the lecture tour, they felt still more doubtful about an alliance made with Mr. Train immediately on their return to New York. This was in the editing and publishing of a weekly journal, The Revolution, devoted to the interests of women, but in which, in return for supplying money until it was on a paying basis, Mr. Train and David Melliss of the New York World were to have space to express their opinions.

The genesis of The Revolution had been as unexpected as all Mr. Train's undertakings. The story is well told in Ida Husted Harper's "Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony," on which the author has depended for her facts in regard to Miss Anthony. According to Mrs. Harper, one evening, in a Kansas town, Mr. Train had greeted his audience by saying: "When Miss Anthony gets back to New York she is going to start a woman suffrage paper. Its name is to be The Revolution: its motto, "Men, their rights and nothing more; women, their rights and nothing less." This paper is to be a weekly, price $2.00 per year; its editors, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury; its proprietor, Susan B. Anthony. Let everybody subscribe for it.'

"Miss Anthony was dumb-founded. During the long journey that day, he had asked her why the equal rights people did not have a paper and she had replied that it was not for lack of brains, but want of money. 'Will not Greeley and Beecher and Phillips and Tilton advance the money?' 'No; they say this is the negro's hour and no time to advocate woman suffrage.' 'Well,' said he, 'I will give you the money.' She had not taken him seriously and was amazed when he made this public statement announcing name, price, edition, motto and everything complete."

The Revolution was started early in January, 1868. The first 10,000 copies were sent out under the frank of a Congressman and the day it appeared Mr. Train announced he was going to England! He promised continued interest and support, but the first thing he did on the other side was to get himself arrested for a Fenian speech, and the first year of The Revolution the chief backer spent in jail! But Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton were not daunted; they threw themselves into editorial work with their usual vigor and also with their usual lack of discretion. From the first the paper fairly spit fire. Its contempt for those who disagreed with it on the advisability of insisting that woman's suffrage be linked with negro suffrage, their downright refusal to consider expediency and compro

mise as anything but cowardice, their calm assumption that "causes" can be lumped and put though en bloc, their generous plunges to the assistance of all sorts and conditions of sufferers without much scrutiny of the merits. of the case, kept their friends in alarm, and their enemies in courage. If this was woman in politics!

Nothing was so unfortunate as the position they took in The Revolution on two or three especially conspicuous and tragic domestic scandals. By the indiscretion with which they espoused the woman's side in these cases, they gave material to their critics with which to revive the anti-bellum charge that they were teaching "free love." It was an unjust charge, but the feeling was so strong against "making divorce easy," as it was called, that openly expressed approval of a revolting wife aroused unreasoning bitterness. Now, Mrs. Stanton was not only frank in her advocacy of divorce—she was reckless; and Miss Anthony could be depended upon for backing. Every time the question came up in The Revolution it widened the dissatisfaction in their party. Moreover, to meet the objection. to universal suffrage-man and woman, black and white-that it would suddenly inject an enormous, ignorant mass into the electorate and thereby endanger popular government, The Revolution had come out for "educated suffrage." To a very large number of their men supporters this was the last straw.

The dissatisfaction with their leadership was first publicly voiced in May, 1869, at the third anniversary of the Equal Rights Association, when it was suggested that since they had abandoned the principles of the association on universal suffrage, they be asked to withdraw. The suggestion was quickly talked down, but on its heels the "free-love" bugaboo was raised by a resolution that the association disown all sympathy with the idea. Thus the two chief criticisms were at last crystallized in open session of the Equal Rights Association. It seemed impossible to Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony and their friends that the two factions should work together longer. They immediately formed a new society-the National Woman Suffrage Association, of which Mrs. Stanton was the first president. A few months later the more conservative element organized the American Woman's Suffrage Association, of which Henry Ward Beecher was made president. Into this association went Lucy Stone and many more of the earlier associates of Miss Anthony. It was by this group that the Woman's Journal of Boston was founded in 1870.

A situation was thus created in the move