16 31, 144, 270, 393 XLI.-MARGARET, DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE MODERN FRENCH HISTORIANS THE OLD DOMINION. THE COMET OF 1861. BY CYRUS REDDING PUBLIC METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS NIGHT-ECHOES FROM DAMASCUS. BY W. CHARLES KENT TOUCHING CARD HOUSES. BY EDWARD P. ROWSELL NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE, THE TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPES. WHATEVER may be the final result of the Italian question, whether Louis Napoleon, true to his policy of divide et impera, effect a princely confederation, or Victor Emmanuel become the ruler of a powerful, because a united kingdom, one fact stands clearly out amid the confusion, political and diplomatic; the fiat has gone forth that the temporal power of the Pope shall be abolished. As Protestants, we care not how soon this be carried out; while, as true friends of order, we shall gladly welcome the suspension of a government too weak to assert its authority, and which is hence the constant occasion of scandal. As there are, however, many persons even in this country moved by a generous impulse to pity the weak, and who are prone to overlook grave faults on the part of the Pope, simply from their dislike of the system which has so long supported him, we purpose to bring together a few facts which must remove the faintest sympathy that may still exist on behalf of a ruler who, dastardly in the moment of defeat, has, ever since his return to his capital at the point of French bayonets, displayed an amount of vindictiveness and recklessness that almost condone the perjury and bloodguilt of the penultimate King of Naples. In 1849, the Ultramontanists in France demanded the preservation of Papal temporalities, through their mouthpiece, M. de Montalembert, who told the National Assembly that "terrestrial Rome belonged to Catholic Christianity, which alone had the power to dispose of it.' He was supported by the Voltairian Thiers, who roundly asserted that "for the Pontificate there is no independence but sovereignty itself. This is an interest of the first rank, which must silence all other national interests." In 1859, prior to the campaign of liberation, we were told in the official pamphlet, "Napoléon III. et l'Italie," that "in the States of the Church a striking contradiction existed between canonical and legal right, and the development of modern society was opposed there; as a national prince the Pope was a living absurdity; Italian, and at the same time universal. The Pope was unable to form an army, and hence an Italian federal army must be raised for his protection. The Pope, at the head of such a confederation, was the sole solution of all contradictions, and hence French intervention had become necessary." Any sensible man, we think, would find a difficulty in deciding how the Pope, as the head of the confederation, would undergo a slighter conflict with his Catholic mission than as individual ruler. In addition, M. Billault, at that time minister of the interior, satisfied all the French archbishops and bishops as to the final views of the emperor, by assuring them that the territorial May-VOL. CXXII. NO. CCCCLXXXV. B possessions of the Holy Father were guaranteed. Since the treaty of Villafranca all this has altered, and the pamphlet, "Le Pape et le Congrès," only guarantees the principle, but not the territory itself. On the contrary, it is plainly laid down that the Pope would have quite enough to manage were the Eternal City alone left him. The constant vacillations of the imperial policy have led to the unfortunate result that Catholic Europe has been ordered to pray for the preservation of the temporal papacy, and the faithful are told that they imperil their own salvation if they do not regard Antonelli as a combination of Sully and Colbert. Matters, indeed, have gone so far that a Catholic bishop of Prussia (Martin of Paderborn) employed the constitutional right of petition to implore the Prince Regent to put down the constitutional propaganda in Italy. After such religious excesses it is high time to regard the Romish question from a more practical point of view, and test the acts of the Romagnolese, who are described as worthy of fire in this world and in the next, by the touchstone of history. We desire to treat the matter impartially, and will only bring forward evidence which is based on the highest historical authority, and the most unswerving Catholic cannot contradict. As we do not intend to fall into Montalembert's error, and confound the political with the religious system, we may be permitted to draw a parallel, the truth of which every reader will allow. The Romagna historically never stood in any other relation to the domains of the Pope than Wallachia and Moldavia do to the Turkish empire. The Sultan is also temporal lord and religious head at the same time; he is the Pope of Islamism. When the Dacian provinces were handed over to the Sultan, it was stipulated that they should retain their own government and administration, recognise the Padishah as their lord, and pay him an annual tribute. On the other side, the Padishah must protect their independence. In confirmation of this, the Principalities had their ambassadors at Constantinople. The last Eastern war was notoriously begun because MoldoWallachia was occupied by the Russians, and Abdul Medjid was consequently bound to defend the rights of his suzerains. The Romagna is held on precisely the same tenure as the Principalities: Pope Julius II. took Bologna from the Bentivoglios; Clement VIII. Ferrara from the house of Este; but both cities made stipulations with the popes. Even Cæsar Borgia, who brought Rimini, Forli, Imola, and Faenza under Papal authority, by the help of poison and the dagger, was forced to sign capitulations. The Capitoli di Nicolo V. (1447) made Bologna a true republic, with a legate as honorary president, to whom a small tribute was paid. The city remained in possession of its old laws, and selected its own magistrates; the revenues were spent for the benefit of the province, and it enlisted troops as it thought proper, who took an oath of allegiance to the magistrate and the Papal legate. The Legation also had its ambassador at the Papal court. This relation lasted for nearly three hundred and fifty years; and it was not till the French revolution and the ensuing wars that it was changed. It was almost the same in Ferrara ; while Ravenna paid 600,000 lire per annum, and was free. A Catholic priest, Father Ventura, reminded the reactionary party, in 1849, that the Papal possessions rightly bore the name of duchies, marches, counties, &c., and that until 1798 there was no idea of a fusion with Rome. Since |