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LESSON LXXXIX.

Speech of Patrick Henry, delivered in the House of Delegates of Virginia, in support of his motion to put the colony in a state of defence against the encroachments of Great Britain, March, 1775.

NO man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the house. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and therefore I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to these gentlemen, if I should speak my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is one of awful moment to this countryfor my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery. In proportion to the magnitude of the subject, ought to be the freedom of the debate It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence; I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that syren, till she seduces our judgments. Is it the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not the things which so nearly concern our temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it might cost, I am willing to know the whole

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truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future, but by the past; and, judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir, it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition, comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land? Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation-the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none they are meant for us they can be meant for no other purpose they are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains, which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we any thing new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find, which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir,

deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned-we have remonstrated we have supplicated-we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and parlia ment. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne.

In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. if we wish to be free-if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending-if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained-we must fight !-I repeat it, sir, we must fight-An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us !

They tell us, sir, that we are weak-unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed; and when a British guard shall be stationed in our House? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us, hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power -three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of Liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess ;

are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us.

Sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God, who presides over the destinies of nations, and will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have now no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery. Our chains are forged their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable-and let it come!! I repeat it, sir, let it come !!!

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Gentlemen

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. may cry, peace, peace-but there is no peace! The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains, and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God!-I know not what course others may take; but as for me, GIVE ME LIBERTY, GIVE ME DEATH!

OR

LESSON XC.

Extracts from the Speech of Mr. Hopkinson, on the Impeachment of the Honourable Samuel Chase, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States. :

MR. PRESIDENT,-WE cannot remind you and this honourable court, as our opponents have so frequently

done, that we address you in behalf of the majesty of the people we appear for an ancient and infirm man, whose better days have been worn out in the service of that country which now degrades him, and who has nothing to promise you for an honourable acquittal, but the approbation of your own consciences: we are happy however to concur with the honourable managers in one point; I mean, the importance they are disposed to give to this cause. In every relation and aspect in which it can be viewed, it is indeed of infinite importance. It is important to the respondent, to the full amount of his good name and reputation, and of that little portion of happiness the small residue of his life may afford. It is important to you, senators and judges, inasmuch as you value the judgment which posterity shall pass upon the proceedings of this day; it is important to our country, as she estimates her character, for sound, dignified and impartial justice, in the eyes of a judging world. The little, busy vortex, that plays immediately round the scene of action, considers this proceeding merely as the trial of Judge Chase, and gaze upon him as the only person interested in the result! This is a false and imperfect view of the case-It is not the trial of Judge Chase alone -it is a trial between him and his country; and that country is as dearly interested as the Judge can be, in a fair and impartial investigation of the case, and in a just and honest decision of it. There is yet another dread tribunal to which we should not be inattentive-we should look to it with solemn impressions of respect. It is POSTERITY. The race of men that will come after us— when all the false glare and false importance of the times shall pass away-when things shall settle down into a state of placid tranquillity, and lose that bustling motion which deceives with false appearances-when you, most honourable senators, who sit here to judge, as well as

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