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that the state is too powerful to be affected by any accident whatever. It is shameful to cry out, when some event hath surprised us, Heavens ! who could have expected this?

We should have acted thus and thus ; and avoided these and these errors. There are many things the Olynthians can now mention, which, if foreseen in time, would have prevented their destruction. The people of Oreum can mention many: those of Phocis many: every state that hath been destroyed can mention many such things. But what doth it avail them now? While the vessel is safe, whether it be great or small, the mariner, the pilot, every person should exert himself in his particular station, and preserve it from being wrecked, either by villany or unskilfulness. But when the sea hath once broken in, all care is vain. And therefore, Athenians! while we are yet safe, possessed of a powerful city, favoured with many resources, our reputation illustrious- -What are we to do ? (perhaps some have sat with impatience to ask.)-I shall now give my opinion, and propose it in form ; that, if approved, your voices may confirm it.

Having, in the first place, provided for your defence, fitted out your navy, raised your supplies, and arrayed your forces (for although all other people should submit to slavery, you should still contend for freedom); having made such a provision (1 say), and this in the sight of Greece, then we are to call others to their duty ; and, for this purpėse, to send ambassadors into all parts, to Peloponnesus, to Rhodes, to Chios, and even to the KING (for he is by no means unconcerned in opposing the rapidity of this man's progress). If ye prevail, ye will have sharers in the dangers and expense.

which may arise ; at least you may gain some respite ; and: as we are engaged against a single person, and not the united powers of a commonwealth, this may be of advantage ;


as were those embassies of last year into Peloponnesus, and those remonstrances which were made in several places by me, and Polydatus, that true patriot, and Hegesippus, and Clitomachus, and Lycurgus, and the other ministers; which checked his progress, prevented his attack of Ambracia, and secured Peloponnesus from an invasion.

I do not mean that we should endeavour to raise that spirit abroad, which we ourselves are unwilling to assume. It would be absurd to neglect our own interests, and yet pretend a regard to the common cause : or, while we are insensible to present dangers, to think of alarming others with apprehensions of futurity. No: let us provide the forces in the Chersonesus with money, and every thing else that they desire. Let us begin with vigour on our part ; then call upon the other Greeks ; convene, instruct, exhort them. Thus it becomes a state of such dignity as ours. If

you think the protection of Greece may be entrusted to the Chalcidians and Megaræns, and so desert its cause, you do not think justly. It will be well if they can protect themselves. No : this is your province ; this is that prerogative transmitted from your ancestors, the reward of all their many, and glorious, and great dangers. If every man sits down in ease and indulgence, and studies only to avoid trouble, he will certainly find no one to supply his place; and I am also apprehensive, that we may be forced into all that trouble to which we are so averse.

Were there persons to act in our stead, our inactivity would have long since discovered them : but there are really none.

You have now heard my sentiments. You have heard the measures I propose, and by which I apprehend our affairs may be yet retrieved. If any man can offer some more salatary course, let him arise, and declare his opinion. And whatever be your resolution, the gods grant that we may feel its good effects.


Extract from Demosthenes' Oration on the Regulation

of the State.


THUS it lately happened—(Let no man interrupt me : let me have a patient hearing)—that some persons broke into the treasury. The speakers all instantly exclaimed, Our free constitution is overturned : our laws are no

And now, ye men of Athens ! judge, if I speak with reason. They who are guilty of this crime, justly deserve to die ; but, by such offenders, our constitution is not overturned. Again, some oars have been stolen from our arsenal. - Stripes and tortures for the villain ! our constitution is subverted ! · This is the general ery. But what is my opinion ? This criminal, like the setliers hath deserved to die : but, if some are criminal, our constitution is not therefore subverted. There is no man who dares openly and boldly to declare, in what case our constitution is subverted. But I shall declare it. When you, Athenians ! become a helpless rabble, without conduct, without property, without arms, without order, without unanimity ; when neither general, nor any other person, hath the least respect for your decrees ; when no man dares to inform you of this your condition, to urge the necessary reformation, much less to exert his efforts to effect it—then is your constitution subverted. And this is now the case.

But, o. my fellow-citizens ! a language of a different nature hath poured in upon us ; false, and highly dan

gerous to the state.

Such is that assertion, that in your tribunals is your great security ; that your right of suffrage is the real bulwark of the constitution. That these tribunals are our common resource in all private contests, I acknowledge : but, it is by arms we are to subdue our enemies, by arms we are to defend our state. It is not by our decrees that we can conquer. To those, on the contrary, who fight our battles with success, to those we owe the power of decreeing, of transacting all our affairs, without control or danger. In arms, then, let us be terrible ; in our judicial transactions, humane.


Extract from Cicero's First Oration against Catiline.

HOW far, O Catiline, wilt thou abuse our patience ? How long shall thy frantic rage baffle the efforts of justice? To what height meanest thou to carry thy daring insolence ? Art thou nothing daunted by the nocturnal watch posted to secure the Palatium ? nothing by the city guards ? nothing by the consternation of the people ? nothing by the union of all the wise and worthy citizens ? nothing by the senate's assembling in this place of strength ? nothing by the looks and countenances of all here present ? Seest thou not that all thy designs are brought to light ? that the senators are thoroughly apprized of thy conspiracy ? that they are acquainted with thy last night's practices ; with the practices of the night before ; with the place of meeting, the company summoned together, and the measures concerted ? Alas, for our degeneracy ! alas, for the depravity of the times ! The senate is apprized of all this, the consul beholds it ; yet.

the traitor lives. Lives ! did I say ? he even comes into the senate ; he shares in the public deliberations ; he marks us out with his eye for destruction. While we, bold in our country's cause, think we have sufficiently discharged our duty to the state, if we can but escape his rage and deadly darts. Long since, O Catiline, ought the consul to have ordered thee for execution ; and pointed upon thy own head that ruin thou hast been long meditating against us all. Could that illustrious citizen, Publius Scipio, sovereign pontiff, but invested with no public magistracy, kill Tiberius Gracchus for raising some slight commotions in the commonwealth ; and shall we consuls suffer Catiline to live, who aims at laying waste the world with fire and sword? I omit, as too remote, the example of Q. Servilius Ahala, who with his own hand slew Spurius Melius, for plotting a revolution in the state. Such, such was the virtue of this republic in former times, that her brave sons punished more severely a factious citizen, than the most inveterate public enemy. We have a weighty and vigorous decree of the senate against you, Catiline ; the commonwealth wants not wisdom, nor this house authority : but we, we the consuls, I speak it openly, are wanting in our duty.

A decree once passed in the senate, enjoining the consul L. Opimius to take care that the commonwealth received no detriment. The very same day Caius Gracchus was killed for some slight suspicions of treason, though descended of a father, grandfather, and ancestors, all eminent for their services to the state. Marcus Fulvius too, a man of consular dignity, with his children, underwent the same fate. By a like decree of the senate, the .care of the commonwealth was committed to the consuls C. Marius and L. Valerius. Was a single day permitted to pass, before L. Saturninus, tribune of the people, and C. Servilius the prætor, satisfied by their death the justice of

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