mere general business. Nothing can be more true; Canning was fatigued and could not come. He has rattled home from Italy to attend the meeting of Parliament, and having been up the three last nights, was reposing. He is right. We must meet this storm, but, I own, I feel out of humour with this sudden break up of the calm, happy, domestic life, I was leading. In fact, I suppose I am tired with seventeen years' politics.

The speech was read before dinner, and very interesting. It will speak for itself. Ld. Castlereagh did not tell us the exact measures, but said they would come forward in the shape of five Bills — three in the Commons, and two in the Lds.; that information would be laid on the table and printed on Wednesday, and on Friday the Bills moved; that all must see the propriety of never leaving the subject till finished; there must, therefore, be no recess, except a couple of days at Christmas, otherwise the meetings would go on with fresh violence during the interval. He begged we would impress this upon all our friends, and if this was followed up he hoped we might adjourn about the 6th of January till the 1st of February. All this is wise. I was introduced to the new Ld. Advocate of Scotland (Rae). He said the D. of Hamilton was frightened out of his wits, and now regretted his letter; that he was active in arming, and Glasgow might now be thought secure. They had enrolled 5000 names for a volunteer force, of which 3000 were regimented, and there were the yeomanry cavalry besides. The Radicals, indeed, seem every

where to have missed the opportunity of doing the mischief they could by seizing arms, &c., and perhaps were as wise to do so, for they have neither money nor leaders, or they would have been up long before. They must have been crushed in detail. I talked with the Attorney and Solicitor-Generals. We agreed some of the measures were not strong enough, particularly as to the press, which, they told me, was merely to lay a tax upon the cheap political publications.* The summary power to seize arms is, however, good, as well as the limitation of the right of meeting to meetings under magistrates, who might also put an end to them.

Mr. Bathurst (Chancellor of the Duchy) thanked me for some official attentions I had shown him. I asked if he had taken the hint I had ventured to give him in my letter, and turned Colonel Williams, the Radical Justice of the Peace, out of the commission. He said, "No, for that the Chancellor could not turn out Sir Chs. Wolseley, which he much wished to do.” I asked, why not? He said, "leaving out, and turning out, were very different;" that if there was a new commission they might be left out, but the Chancellor thought that to turn them out would be too strong. This provokes me; for is not every thing too strong for us, and must we not meet strength with strength? Ld. Fitzwilliam is turned out, who recommends all the magistrates of his district, and yet to dismiss one of them is too strong. Wolseley accepts an illegal ap

* It also punished with transportation a second conviction for seditious libels.

pointment, of Parliamentary Agent from a place that has no right to send one, in the very teeth of the Constitution*- he is under indictment for sedition openly professes himself an advocate for revolution — yet he is allowed to remain in the commission of that peace he is doing all he can to overturn. If this is not cowardice I don't know what is.

Nov. 23rd, 1819. The D. of Wellington passed me in Pall Mall going to the H. of Lds. to the speech. He stopped his coach, and asked me if he should take me. When I got in, I saw him busy about the doors, which he was locking with a key in the inside. I asked what that meant. He said, that ever since he had been shot at in Paris he had used that precaution. I knew, said he, the conspiracy was pretty extended, and thought they might be at me again in a less bungling way. Their way ought to have been to have killed my coachman, and then, if my doors could have been opened, what should I have done? Now they are secure, and by leaning back you may fight a window better than a parapet wall. This he accompanied with the appropriate action. As we were in the midst of a very Radical-looking mob, I only hoped, I said, we should not be tried. He said, there was no danger of that to-day, or any thing happening to the Prince; it might happen the next day, after the speech was known, particularly as there was a Smithfield meeting. The mob, however, looked better, and we found the Prince had been much cheered in the Park, all the women waving their

* He was elected for unrepresented Birmingham.

handkerchiefs; but there were some hisses. The Duke then asked me if I had heard the speech at Ld. Castlereagh's, and what I thought of it. We agreed it was very stout, and what it ought to be; but I expressed a fear that the measures would not be strong enough. He said they would, however, do good; and mentioned particularly the confinement of all meetings called by individuals to parishes, and the increasing the punishment to transportation for the second offence. The publishers of cheap political works are also to give security to answer for any illegal matter. In this conversation we arrived at the H. of Lds. He was much observed by the people, who looked with interest at him, but there was no cheering.

The House was very brilliant and numerous; the Court and Ladies looked well; and the speech exceedingly well delivered. The interest, however, seemed more as to out of doors than within. Ld. Fitzroy Somerset said, he would rather watch the Park than attend the House; and going home I met Ld. Bridgewater, who had been mixing with the mob the whole time, and was quite satisfied. He asked if I had heard whether there was to be any amendment, I said, yes, but it was to be a very mild one. He made a face and a sarcastic bow, repeating "a mild one;" we are much obliged to them.

Saw Ld. Erskine at dinner; he was very antiRadical, but not the less anti-Government. Said as to the mob, he had stood within the Temple gates in 1780 with a field-piece, and a match in his hand, re

solved to blow the mob to the devil, and would again if necessary; but was against all changes giving more power to Government. From what he knew of the amendment to be proposed, he added, he was sure there must be a long debate. He then talked of my brother, for whom he expressed the highest regard, and wished him happy in his beautiful place, Northwood House, Isle of Wight. The Prince was insulted in returning through the Park, the lower orders having got head, but still not so much as has often been, and there was also much applause. How ridiculously eager we all are about a thing which all affect to despise, and which is in reality despicablethe "fond many!"

The debate was high Tory in both Houses, and the spirit pronounced anti-Radical on all sides. The Address was therefore not opposed; only an amendment attempted, which was pure Whig, and agreed upon at Burlington House, in compliment to Ld. Fitzwilliam, as well as with a view to embarrass Government. They were, however, outnumbered and outspoken. I never remember Government to have put themselves so high, or show so high game. The amendment, moved by Grey in the Lds. and Tierney with us, so as to give all possible importance to it, changed nothing in the Address to support the Throne, but only added the propriety of an inquiry as to the Manchester transaction. This was met manfully by Ministers, who broadly stated the meeting of the people then to have been illegal, upon which the Chancellor said he would stake his reputation. They also asserted the fact, be