BOOK VII. the structure; all was clear and perspicuous, harmony and proportion pervaded the whole. His manner was dignified and commanding.

CHAP. I. 1806.

It has been often, but erroneously supposed, that Mr. Pitt was harsh, haughty, and repulsive, in private life. The contrary is the fact; no man was ever more fondly beloved by his relatives; and the deep grief of all who were connected with him by ties of blood or friendship, is the best proof of the manner in which he attached every one to him who was honored with his intimacy. In private life his manners were remarkably mild; the early associates of his infancy and youth were always remembered by him with the greatest affection. He delighted in patronizing and protecting them; he studied their interests and promoted their fortunes.

Mr. Pitt had, however, his errors: he seemed to have adopted as his main principle of action, that inconstancy was more fatal than error; and that more was to be gained by persevering even in a wrong road, removing obstacles as they appeared, and moving steadily, though obliquely, to his end, than by changing his course as he discovered his errors. This was doubtless erioneous, but it was the error of a manly mind and lofty character. Mr. Pitt may indeed be said to have found it an inheritance from his father. It was this foible in his character which at times gave his adversaries advantage over him. As to himself, he wholly disregarded a partial failure; it was part of his system to expect such failures, and, deeming them indifferent, he had no anxiety to defend them.-Many measures of his administration might here be instanced, which he never attempted to defend, or, if he entered on his defence, it was with a kind of conscious pride, which still farther irritated his opponents.

Another characteristic foible of Mr. Pitt was an insurmountable jealousy of place and honor; which led him, in, his avarice for exclusive reputation, to prefer instruments to associates, and thus commit the execution of his plans to those who were unequal to them. It is but justice, however, to add, that he shewed in every thing a peculiar magnanimity, and a characteristic grandeur, which never deserted him-his schemes, considered in the general, and as separated from their execution, were always great, and, as far as depended upon himself, the means and the execution bore the stamp of the same master. Mr. Pitt never was married.

On Monday, January 27, Mr. H. Lascelles moved in the house of commons, "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, that his majesty will be graciously pleased to give directions that the remains of the Right Honorable William Pitt be entered at the public expense, and that a monument be erected in the collegiate church of St. Peter, Westminster, to the memory

of that excellent statesman, with an inscription expressive of the public sense of so great and irreparable a loss; and to assure his majesty, that this house will make good the expenses attending the same."

This motion was seconded by the Marquis of Titchfield, and supported by Lord Lovaine, Mr. I. H. Browne, Mr. H. Addington, Sir R. Buxton, General Tarleton, Lord Temple, Mr. R. Ryder, Mr. Rose, Lord Castlereagh, and Mr. Wilberforce. It was opposed by Lord Folkestone, Mr. William Smith, Mr. Pytches, the Marquis of Douglas, Mr. Windham, Mr. G. Ponsoby, and Mr. Fox. The numbers, on a dvision, were, for Mr. Lascelles' motion 258, against it 89. Majority 169.

The chief arguments for the motion, were the great merits, splendid talents, and important public services of the eminent character to whom it related, and these points were illustrated at considerable length by some of the members who supported the motion.

It was objected, on the other side, that it was not customary to confer public honors, unless where merit had been conjoined with success; and, it was urged, that no example, but one, could be found, where such honors had been conferred on a statesman, and in that instance (that of Lord Chatham) the success as well as the merit was indisputable.

"If I were to divide (said Mr. Windham) the whole of the political life of the distinguished person here spoken of, into two distinct periods, one the period before the breaking out of the French revolution, and the other the period subsequent to that event, and that I were called to declare, that either separately, or both conjointly, were of a sort to call for the honors now proposed, or to justify the character ascribed in the resolution, of An excellent Statesman,' I must say 'No.' I have no wish to bring forward ny opinion in that respect at the present moment, but when compelled to declare myself, I must say what I think: I cannot consent to pronounce an opinion different from what I think the true one, and thus to contribute to mislead both the present time and posterity, on a period of our history which it is most important for them to judge rightly of. With the fullest acknowledgment, both of the ta lents and the virtues of the eminent man in question, I do not think, from whatever cause it has proceeded, that his life has been beneficial to his country. For the earlier part of it, including the commencement of his power, I must contradict every principle that I ever maintained, if I said that it was so. For the succeeding period, the greatest in which a statesman was ever called to act, I cannot say that he acted his part greatly. I do not judge merely from the event; though the event, for the present purpose, might be all

that need be considered. The French revolution was, indeed, a storm in which vessels the best formed, and constructed with the greatest skill, might easily founder: but, what I mean to say, is, that in my opinion the vessel was not conducted with the greatest skill, and that it is, in all human probability, to the fault of the pilot that we are to ascribe our present fearful situation."

"Public honors," said Mr. Fox," are matters of the highest importance, because they must more or less influence posterity. They ought not, therefore, to be conferred lightly, but only where merit is clearly seen and acknowledged. Certainly, when I look at Lord Chatham's monument, when I find the inscription bearing upon the face of it the grounds upon which this monument was voted, when I find it there stated, that he had reduced the power of France to a very low ebb, and raised the prosperity of his country to a very high pitch, I must say that this case can never be compared with that of Lord Chatham. I must say, that the country at present is reduced to the most dangerous and alarming situation—a situation which might call for any thing rather than honors to be conferred upon him, who had the direction of the measures that brought it to this state. In deciding upon the present question, I should be unwilling to take any one particular act of the administration of the late minister, I have always thought, and do still think, that an unfortunate system of government has pervaded the whole of the present reign; and I firmly believe that system to have been the cause of all the disasters and disappointments which the country has experienced, almost uniformly, throughout the whole course of it. Being of this opinion, how can I conscientiously say, that he who followed this system was an excellent statesman.' Thinking as I do of the disastrous effects of that system, I cannot but accuse the late minister of having, I will not say criminally, (for the expression might sound in some ears too harsh), but, most unfortunately, lent his brilliant talents and his commanding eloquence to the support of it. In having done so, and with the knowledge he must have had of it, I esteem him the more culpable, as without that splendour of mental endowment, which enabled him to throw a veil over the hideous deformity of the system alluded to, I am firmly persuaded, that it could not have resisted the attacks made upon it; and consequently could not have existed, and spread its baneful influence half so long. No man can be more desirous than I am to bury in oblivion the remembrance of those contests in which we were so long engaged. This I shewed plainly enough while he was alive. But I cannot consent to confer public honors, on the ground of his being an excellent statesman,' on the man, who, in my opinion, was the sole, cer

CHAP. I.

1806.

tainly the chief supporter of a system, which I BOOK VII. had been early taught to consider as a bad one." Lord Castlereagh said, in reply to Mr. Fox, "that upon the arguments of that honorable gentleman, in opposition to this motion, it was not his intention to reason. This, in fact, was not a question to be determined by argument, it was quite a question of feeling. The acquiescence of that house and the country, in such a proposition, was more to be looked for from intuitive feeling than from cold reason; and if that feeling did not exist, it was vain to think of arguing men into it. But, although the support of the honorable gentlemen on the other side was not to be calculated upon, he had no doubt that the motion would be adopted. Indeed, he felt confident that it would. The house would act inconsistently with its own opinion, repeatedly expressed, if it hesitated to recognize the merit-if it declined to distinguish the memory of Mr. Pitt."

Mr. Wilberforce rose" to bear testimony to the great public virtues and splendid talents of Mr.. Pitt, in whom he declared the love of country was to be found as sincere and ardent as ever yet existed in any human bosom. With regard to the assertion, that success was a proper criterion by which to appreciate the merit of a great man, the honorable gentleman reprobated the idea, as inconsistent with wisdom and justice. But, if the character of Mr. Pitt were to be tried by that rule, where were we to look among the great men of ancient or modern times, for any who had stronger claims to the gratitude and respect of their country, than those which could be advanced in favor of that illustrious personage. When the revolutionary spirit had convulsed France, and alarmed the whole civilized world, that distinguished statesman completely succeeded, by the vigour and sagacity of his measures, in preventing that dreadful plague from reaching us. This was the main source of his distinction-this was the great pedestal of his fame."

On the 3d of February, Mr. Cartwright moved, that a sum, not exceeding 40,000l. should be voted for the payment of Mr. Pitt's debts, which motion was carried without opposition.

At a meeting of the common-council of London, on the 6th of February, it was moved, that a monument 'be erected in Guildhall, to perpetuate the memory of Mr. Pitt; and, after some debate, the question was carried by a majority-Ayes 77, Noes 71-Majority 6.

Mr. Pitt's funeral took place February 23; it was very grand and most respectfully attended, but was too soon after Lord Nelson's (which took place January 8,) to cause that general attention which otherwise would have been paid it.

Mr. Pitt's death opened the way for Mr. Fox's return to office. Lord Grenville was ordered by