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of my son, we cannot but tremble for his life. For though both the grand duke and the emperor are desirous to save him, they will not give them time. For heaven's sake, we implore of the grand duke to take measures for the accomplishment of what we request; for if any time be lost, his life is in danger. He would be safer in the paws of blood-thirsty lions and tygers. My son was yesterday after dinner closeted with Infantado Escocquitz, that wicked priest, and St. Charles, the most malignant of the whole. They remained shut up together from half-an-hour after one to an half-an-hour after three o'clock. The gentleman who goes with my son Charles, is a cousin of St. Charles's; he is a man of parts, and not ill-informed: but he is a vile American; and, like the same St. Charles, extremely hostile to us: though they all profess friendship for the king my husband, and claim the patronage of the Prince of the Peace, to whom they say they are related. All the others that go (to Bayonne) with my son Charles, are of the same faction, extremely well qualified to do all possible mischief, and to set forth the most horrible falsehoods in the light of truth. I entreat I entreat the grand duke to pardon my wretched composition; for I am very apt to forget some French words and idioms, having been accustomed to speak nothing but Spanish for forty-two years. I came here to be married when I was only thirteen years and a half old; and although I speak French, it is not with fluency. But the grand duke will comprehend my meaning, and know how to correct the defects of my style."

There were five other notes sent to the Grand Duke of Berg, written in the hand of Queen Louisa, in which the Queen of Spain expressed the same anxious concern for the Prince of Peace, and spoke with as much freedom of the Prince of Asturias. There were two letters on the same subject, (the deplorable situation of the Prince of Peace) addressed to the Grand Duke of Berg by Charles IV. and the Queen of Etruria.

In this state of things, the new king made his public entry into Madrid, March 25, without any other parade than the most numerous concourse of the capital and its environs, the strongest expressions of love and loyalty, and acclamations which sprung from the joy and enthusiasm of his subjects-a scene, said Cevallos, truly grand and impressive, in which the young king was seen like a father in the midst of his children, entering his capital, as the regenerator and guardian of the monarchy. Of this scene the Grand Duke of Berg was a witness: but far from abandoning his plan, he resolved to persevere in it with greater ardour. The experiment upon the royal parents produced the desired effect. But whilst Ferdinand, the idol of the nation, was present, it was impossible to carry the plan into

CHAP. I.

1808.

execution. It was therefore necessary to make BOOK VIII, every effort to remove this prince from Madrid. To accomplish this object, the grand duke was extremely assiduous in spreading reports of the arrival of a fresh courier from Paris, and that the emperor might be expected speedily to arrive in the Spanish capital. He set himself, in the first place, to induce the infant Don Carlos to set out to receive his Imperial Majesty Napoleon, on the supposition that his royal highness must meet him before he should have proceeded two days on his journey. His majesty, Ferdinand, acceded to the proposal. The grand duke had no sooner succeeded in procuring the departure of Don Carlos, than he manifested the most anxious desire that the king should do the same, leaving no means untried to persuade his majesty to take this step, assuring him that it would be attended by the happiest consequences to the king and the whole kingdom. At the same time that the Grand Duke of Berg, the French ambassador, and all the other agents of France, were proceeding in this course, they were, on the other hand, busily employed with the royal parents to procure from them a formal protest against the abdication of the crown. His majesty, Ferdinand VII. being incessantly urged to go to meet the French emperor, painfully hesitated between the necessity of performing an act of courtesy, which he was assured would be attended with such advantageous results, and his reluctance to abandon his loyal and beloved people in such critical circumstances.

Cevallos declared, that in this embarrassing situation, his constant opinion, as the king's minister, was, that his majesty should not leave his capital until he should have received certain information that the emperor had actually arrived in Spain, and was on his way and near to Madrid; and that even then he should only proceed to a distance so short as not to render it necessary to sleep one night out of his capital. His majesty persisted for some days in the resolution of not quitting Madrid, until he should receive certain advice of Napoleon's approach; and he would have probably continued in that determination, had not the arrival of General Savary added greater weight to the reiterated solicitations of the grand duke, and the Ambassador Beauharnois. General Savary was announced as the envoy from the emperor, and in that capacity he demanded an audience from the king, which was immediately granted. Savary professed that he was sent by the emperor merely to compliment his majesty, and to know whether his sentiments with respect to France were conformable to those of the king his father; in which case the emperer would forego all considerations of what had passed, in no degree interfere in the internal concerns of the kingdom, and immediately re

BOOKVIII. cognize his majesty as King of Spain and the Indies. The most satisfactory answer was given to CHAP. I. General Savary, and the conversation was continued in terms so flattering, that nothing more 1808. I could have been desired. The audience terminated with an assurance, on the part of Savary, that the emperor had already left Paris, that he was near Bayonne, and on his way to Madrid. Scarcely had General Savary left the audiencechamber, when he began to make the most urgent applications to the king to meet the emperor, assuring him that this attention would be very grateful and flattering to his imperial majesty. And he affirmed so repeatedly, and in such positive terms, that the emperor's arrival might be expected every moment, that it was impossible, (Cevallos observed,) not to give credit to his assertions. The king at length yielded. The day appointed for his departure arrived. General Savary, affecting the most zealous and assiduous attention to his majesty, solicited the honor of accompanying him on his journey, which, at the farthest, according to the information which he had just received of the emperor's approach, could not extend beyond Burgos.

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The king, during his absence, supposed to be only for a few days, left at Madrid a supreme junta of government, (an assembly or board of commissioners,) consisting of the secretaries of state, usually five in number, the president of which was his uncle, the infant Don Antonio.General Savary, in a separate carriage, followed the king to Burgos. But the emperor not having arrived there, the king, urged by the earnest and pressing entreaties of General Savary, proceeded to Vittoria. The general, convinced that his majesty had resolved to proceed no farther, continued his journey to Bayonne, with the intention, no doubt, of acquainting the emperor of all that had passed, and of procuring a letter from him, which should determine the king to separate himself from his people. At Vittoria, his majesty received information that Napoleon had arrived at Bourdeaux, and was on his way to Bayonne, where, in fact, he arrived with his spouse, on the 15th of April. While the French troops were making suspicious movements in the neighbourhood of Vittoria, General Savary appeared in that city, with the following letter to Ferdinand, from the Emperor of the French, dated at Bayonne, April 16.

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journey to Madrid, to draw over my illustrious friend to some necessary ameliorations of his states, and also to give a certain satisfaction to the public feelings. The removal of the Prince of the Peace appeared to me to be necessary for the prosperity of his majesty, and that of his subjects. The affairs of the North had retarded my journey. The events at Aranjuez took place. I pass no decision on what had previously fallen out, nor upon the conduct of the Prince of the Peace; but I know well that it is dangerous for kings to accustom their people to shed blood, or to seek to redress themselves. I pray God, that your royal highness may never feel this by your own experience. It is not the interest of Spain to injure a prince who has married a princess of the blood-royal, and who for a long time directed the affairs of the kingdom. He no longer has any friends; your royal highness will possess them no longer than while you shall be fortunate. The people willingly revenge themselves for that homage which they pay us. How also can the process be drawn up against the Prince of the Peace, without involving in it the queen and the king your father? This process would give nourishment to hatred and fac tious passions, the issue of which would be fatal to your crown. Your royal highness has no other right thereto than that which you derive from your mother. If this process degrade her, your royal highness destroys your own right. He who has lent an ear to weak and disloyal counsels, has no right to pass sentence on the Prince of the Peace. His misdeeds, if he can be reproached with them, go to destroy the rights of the crown. I have frequently expressed a desire, that the Prince of the Peace should be removed from affairs; the friendship of King Charles has often induced me to remain silent, and to turn away my eyes from the weakness of his conduct. Unhappy mortals that we are! Weakness and error, these are our mottos; but all may be ar ranged; namely, that the Prince of the Peace should be banished from Spain, and I should invite him to a place of retirement in France. As to the abdication of King Charles the Fourth, that has taken place at a moment when my troops were traversing Spain; and in the eyes of Europe, and of posterity, I should seem to have sent so many troops solely for the purpose of pushing from his throne my ally, and friend. As a neighbour sovereign, it is fit that I should know this abdication, before I acknowledged it. I say it to your royal highness, to the Spaniards, and to the whole world, if the abdication of King Charles has proceeded from his own will, if he was not driven to it by the insurrection and uproar at Aranjuez, I make no scruple to accede to it, and to acknowledge your royal highness as King of

Spain. The circumspection which I have observed for this month past, must be a security to you for the support which you shall find in me, should ever party differences disturb you, in your turn, upon the throne.

"When King Charles made us acquainted with the events of last October, I was very much affected by them; and I think that by my efforts the affair of the Escurial received a happy issue. Your royal highness was much to blame-I have no need of any other proof of this, than the letter which you wrote to me, and which I shall always desire to consider as not having come to me. Your royal highness must distrust all popular commotions and insurrections. A few of my soldiers may be murdered, but the subjugation of Spain shall be the consequence of it.

"I see with pain, that some persons at Madrid have disseminated certain letters of the Captaingeneral of Catalonia, and have done every thing to excite disturbances among the people. Your royal highness perfectly comprehends my meaning. You perceive that I have touched slightly upon many points, which it would not be proper to enlarge upon.

"You may be assured that I will conduct myself in every thing towards you, in the same way as to your royal father. You may rely upon my desire to arrange every thing, and of finding an opportunity of giving you proof of my perfect regard and esteem.

"Herewith accept," &c.

To the contents of this letter, General Savary added so many and such vehement protestations of the interest which the emperor took in the welfare of his majesty and of Spain, that he even went so far as to say, "I will suffer my head to be cut off, if, within a quarter of an hour after your majesty's arrival at Bayonne, the emperor shall not have recognized you as King of Spain and the Indies. To support his own consistency, he will probably begin by giving you the title of highness, but in five minutes he will give you that of majesty, and in three days every thing will be settled, and your majesty may return to Spain immediately." The king, after some hesitation, determined to proceed to Bayonne.

Scarcely had the King of Spain set foot on

the French territory, when he remarked, that no BOOKVIII. one came to receive him, until on his arrival at St. Jean de Luz, the mayor, attended by the CHAP. I. municipality, made his appearance. The car1808. riage stopped, and the mayor addressed his majesty in the most lively expressions of joy, at having the honor of being the first to receive a king, who was the friend and ally of France. Soon after he was met by the deputation of three grandees, who had been sent off by Ferdinand before to meet the French emperor; and their representation, with respect to the intentions of Napoleon, were not of the most flattering nature. He was now, however, too near Bayonne to think of changing his course; wherefore he continued his journey. There came out to meet the king, the Prince of Neufchatel, and Duroc, marshal of the palace, with a detachment of the guard of honor, which the citizens of Bayonne had formed to attend his majesty Napoleon, and they invited his majesty to enter Bayonne, where a place had been prepared for his residence; which he did on the 20th of April.

The residence prepared for the king appeared to all, and was, in reality, but little suited to the guest who was to occupy it. This remarkable and expressive neglect formed a striking contrast with the studied magnificence which the King of Spain had prepared for the reception of his ally at Madrid. While the king was taken up with doubts concerning the meaning of a reception he so little expected, he was informed that the emperor was on his way to pay him a visit. His imperial majesty arrived, accompanied by a number of his generals. The king went down to the street-door to receive him, and both monarchs embraced each other with every token of friendship and affection. The Emperor of the French staid but a short time with his majesty, and they embraced each other again at parting. Soon after, Marshal Duroc came to invite the king to dine with the emperor, whose carriages were coming to convey the king to the castle of Marrac, about the distance of a mile and an half from Bayonne, where his imperial majesty resided, which accordingly took place. Napoleon came as far as the steps of the coach to receive his majesty; and having embraced him again, led him by the hand to the apartment provided for him.

BOOK VIII.

1808.

CHAPTER II.

Suspicious Occurrence at Barcelona.-Patriotism of Count Espellata.—Popular Indignation at the Journey of Ferdinand VII. to Bayonne.-Demands for the Release of the Prince of Peace. His Release, and Anecdotes of the Arrival of Charles IV. and his Queen at Bayonne.—They dine with Napoleon and his Spouse.-Bonaparte's Message to Ferdinand, desiring him and Family to renounce the Crown of Spain.-Conference between their Ministers.—Interrupted by Bonaparte.Ferdinand discovers himself in a State of Arrest.-Charles declares to Ferdinand his Determination to renounce all Rights to the Crown of Spain.-Ferdinand's Conditional Renunciation in Favor of his Father.-The Queen of Spain bastardizes her own legitimate Son in the Presence of her Husband.-Bonaparte's Threat to Ferdinand.-The latter consequently agrees to an Absolute Renunciation.—The Spaniards in a State of Agitation.—Insurrection and dreadful Massacre at Madrid.-Inhuman Policy of the French General.-The Duke of Berg appointed Viceroy of Spain.—His Proclamations.—The Bishop of Orense's poignant Letter.—Joseph Bo naparte made King of Spain.-The Royal Family hurried into the Interior of France.-Bonaparte's Justification of his Conduct.

ABOUT the middle of March an occurrence took place at Barcelona, which, if the hostile deCHAP. II. signs of the French government against Spain could possibly have appeared unequivocable before, rendered them more apparent. General Duhesme, commander-in-chief of the French army of observation of the Eastern Pyrennees, had been for some time busily employed in throwing great quantities of ammunition and provisions into the forts of Barcelona and Monjuich. The Count of Espellata, captain-general of Catalonia, in a letter dated at Barcelona, the 18th of March, thus remonstrated with the general on this suspicious and alarming movement.

"The troops that occupied the citadel and the fortress of Monjuich, might have considered all the houses of Barcelona as so many magazines, and the provisions they contained as their own. There was no enemy to excite apprehension; nor any thing to be expected in which the inhabitants of the town were not as much interested as the troops in garrison. Your excellency occupied the fortresses in the name of the emperor and king as an ally; and it was only on the faith of this that the Spanish government consented to its occupancy. It was under the same impression, that the town opened to you and your people its treasures, and resources of every kind, which you have received in the bosom of our families. The city gave you an honorable reception, and shared with you the provisions destined for their own use. Military law prescribes the mode of provisioning garrisons when engaged in actual hos

tilities, or besieged, or when the country is threatened with famine. In such cases the general is under a necessity of taking measures of precaution for the subsistence of his troops, by the formation of magazines. But where circum stances of this kind do not exist, such measures are calculated only to excite suspicion and mistrust. Neither my conduct, nor the constant moderation of my troops, nor the favorable reception accorded to the French army, is calculated to give any ground of alarm.

"The town is provided with necessaries of every sort, as you will see by the official statements signed by the intendant; and, even if we should fall short of some articles, your excellency has given me the strongest assurance that preparations are at this moment going on in the ports of France for supplying this place with provisions free from all duties. When his majesty the emperor and king, whose great name_inspires us with confidence, at the same time that our fortresses are occupied by his troops, shall be informed of our pliability and honorable principles, it will not be with pleasure that he will be told, that this city, in return for its deference and conduct, has been alarmed by terrible menaces and preparations. Your excellency will be pleased to learn from his imperial majesty, what he thinks of your design before you carry it into execution, accompanying your request with this explanation of my sentiments on the subject; as I also, on my part, shall lay the whole of this matter before the king my master, without whose orders I can

not accord to your excellency what the forts occupied by the Spanish troops have not themselves. "If, before receiving orders from the emperor, your excellency should see any reason for living with precaution, and under the influence of fear in fortresses to be considered, at present, as forming part of the city, then indeed it may be proper to have recourse to the measures you propose. But as, at present, there was no necessity for any such measure, I wish to impress your mind with a conviction, that to establish magazines, and form considerable depôts of provisions in the forts cannot serve any good purpose; that such an intention is remarkable, calculated to rouse attention, and offensive; and that it may not perhaps be in your excellency's power, nor mine, to remedy the consequences which such a fermentation must excite among the inhabitants."

This letter of Count Espellata, copies of which were handed about in Madrid, and over all Spain, met with general sympathy and applause, and contributed very much to raise and heighten the national sentiment of resentment and indignation against the French and the French party.

The state of affairs at Barcelona must have been known to the Spanish court a considerable time before the departure of Ferdinand from his capital to meet Bonaparte. This journey excited in all the villages and towns through which his majesty passed, the greatest discontent and liveliest indignation; which were not appeased by the proclamations that preceded his progress, declaring that he had the most positive and satisfactory assurances, that nothing but the most profound respect would be shewn to his person; without which assurances he would never have accepted the Emperor of the French's invitation, and that within four or five days, with the assistance of his good brother and ally, the affairs of Spain would be settled to his own satisfaction, and also to that of his subjects.

At Vittoria, when the people learnt, even from the authority of the king, that Bonaparte was suffered to interfere in those affairs, there was a general fermentation among the inhabitants, who, April 19, crowded about the royal residence, in the most tumultuous manner, giving vent to their sentiments without restraint.

A new proclamation was issued, and the Duke of Infantado endeavoured to impress the assertions contained in it, in harangues to the people. He assured them, that the intention of the new king was, to represent to the French emperor, the antipathy of the Spanish people to the French troops that had been sent among them, and to demand their immediate recal. The tumult was somewhat assuaged; but voices were heard here and there, muttering, "That both the king and the Duke of Infantado might do with Napoleon what they pleased; that Spaniards would

never be slaves: and that the nation would main- BOOK VIII. tain its independence without them."

From the moment that Murat set his foot on the Spanish territory, he did all in his power to impress the Spaniards with a conviction, that he had come among them for their good, by bringing about certain reforms in the government, giving it to be understood withal, that he was on the side of the Prince of Asturias, and in opposition to the Prince of the Peace, who was universally detested; nor did he fail to throw out hints and allusions to the influence of the queen in the great affairs of the nation; thereby to ingratiate himself with the people: but, true to his purpose of .division and distraction, he was no sooner informed of what had passed at Aranjuez, on the 19th of March, than he made a shew of taking a very warm interest in the fate of Don Manuel Godoy, with whom, though personally unacquainted, he had kept up a confidential and intimate correspondence.

Whilst Ferdinand halted at Vittoria, he was informed by the supreme junta, that the Grand Duke of Berg had made a formal, and even an imperious demand of the release of Godoy. This application Ferdinand, who had solemuly promised to bring Don Manuel to judgment according to the laws, directed the junta to resist. Bonaparte had himself, by letter, made a similar application to Ferdinand; who, in reply, represented the invincible necessity he was under of bringing Godoy to trial. But as his imperial majesty was pleased to take an interest in the life of Don Manuel Godoy, he gave him his word, that if the prisoner should, after mature examination of the charges laid against him, be condemned to death, that punishment should be remitted, in consideration of his majesty's intercession.

When the French emperor received this answer from Ferdinand, he flew into a great pas-. sion, and, with his accustomed falsity, immediately wrote to the Grand Duke of Berg, that the Prince of Asturias had placed the prisoner at his disposal, and ordered him to demand the release of Godoy, in the most energetic manner. The grand duke, who was naturally violent and impetuous, sent a very haughty note to the junta, in which he reminded them, that the Emperor of the French, at the same time that the authority of the Prince of Asturias was stated as a ground of procedure to them, acknowledged no other King of Spain than Charles IV. He demanded anew the person of the Prince of the Peace to be sent to France. To this note Murat added many verbal threats of force, which, being reported, so intimidated them, that they ordered the release of Godoy, who was immediately conveyed to Bayonne.

The junta, to cover their own weakness, gave

CHAP. II.

1808.

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