and that speedy calm will succeed the recent and the present agitations; while his life and his words give the amplest guaranty that the influence of the government will all be employed on the side of freedom and its benign order.

It is somewhat curious to notice the striking correspondences between the history of this young Republican Captain, and that of him whom our fathers took as their leader, in the first great struggle for Liberty on this continent. A part of these have been noticed by the papers, and by speakers. Others we have not seen referred to. They are interesting and suggestive. Washington was left in childhood, by the death of his father, to the charge of his mother. Fremont was so likewise, at a still earlier period, and in circumstances certainly much less auspicious. Washington had early a passion for the sea, so strong that a midshipman's warrant was obtained for him by his friends. Fremont went to sea, and was there employed for more than two years. Washington was introduced to public life through his service on the frontiers, as a surveyor and civil engineer. Fremont won his discipline and his early fame in the same department, and by his use and practice in it became fitted, in mind and body, to "endure hardness." Washington learned all that he knew of war in Indian combats and the strife of the wilderness, and rose thus to the rank of Colonel in the provincial troops. Fremont's school was the same, and he has gained the same rank. Washington had had small experience as a legislator, until he was called to the head of the Government. He

was taken for his well-tried general qualities, and not for any distinction he had achieved as a diplomatist or a statesman; and here again the parallel holds. Washington was sneered at by the men of routine, was hated and assailed by the tories of that day, as a soldier who had " never set a squadron in the field;" until his energy and patience drove them all out of it. The same class of attacks are now made on Fremont; to be answered we trust, in the same impressive way. His friends early felt that Washington was specially fitted and preserved of Providence to become the head of the nation; as Rev. Samuel Davies expressed it, that "Providence has hitherto preserved him in so signal a manner for some important service to his country." The same expectation, becoming almost a premonition, has for years been general among the friends of Fremont. Dr. Robertson, his early teacher, expressed it in the preface to his edition of the Anabasis, published years ago, in these words: "Such, my young friends, is an imperfect sketch of my once beloved and favorite pupil, who may yet rise to be at the head of this great and growing Republic. My prayer is that he may ever be opposed to war, injustice, and oppression of every kind, a blessing to his country, and an example of every noble virtue to the whole world." Washington was called to the head of the army at the age of forty-four; and if Colonel Fremont shall live to see the 4th of March next, we confidently expect that the singular parallel will so far be perfected!

AND

CONSTITUTION

OF THE

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

WITH ITS

AMENDMENTS.

CENSUS OF 1850.

BOSTON:

PUBLISHED BY JOHN P. JEWETT & COMPANY

CLEVELAND, OHIO:

JEWETT, PROCTOR & WORTHINGTON.

1856.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

WHEN, in the course of human events, it be comes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident-that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, goverr.ments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence indeed will dictate, that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes, and accordingly, all experience hath shown, thai