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gon to Political and Scientific Correspondents---House of Representatives agree on

Rules of Election-The Electoral Votes counted in the Senate-M. L. Davis's Fabrica.

tions concerning the Georgia Returns—The Result a Tie between Jefferson and Burr-

The prior Arrangements of the Federalists for such a Contingency-Hamilton to Bay-

ard and Wolcott-Proposes to start Burr “for the Plate," but objects to the Federal-

ists supporting him--Pronounces him the Catiline of America, etc.--Further Corres-

pondence on this Subject-Positions of Cabot, Otis and Sedgwick-Morris's important

Disclosures--Marshall's and Bayard's Positions--Sedgwick changes Ground-Hamil-

ton's final Appeal-Adams to Gerry—The Opinions of Jefferson disclosed by preceding

Correspondence-Hamilton's unfortunate Position to produce any Effect-Federal

Caucus decide to support Burr- The Conduct of the Party considered-Jefferson to his

Daughter-Incidents of House of Representatives meeting to Ballot for President-

Result of the Ballot-Political Complexion of the Vote-The continued Ballotings

Randolph's and Dana's Bulletins Jefferson to Dr. Barton, Monroe, Mrs. Eppes, etc.-

Entries in the Ana—The Struggle terminated-Jefferson's Obligations to Federalists

considered—The entire Advantage of the Republicans if Force was resorted to The

Arbitration of Arms expected by both parties in case of Usurpation or Anarchy-

Barr's reprehensible Conduct during the Struggle in the House-His probable resort

to all safe Neans to procure an Election,


Inside View of Federal Camp during closing Election Scenes—Bayard to Hamilton

Proof that the Federalists contemplated desperate Measures Jefferson's Statements in

Ana in regard to Bayard-Clayton's Interrogatories to Smith and Livingston in the

Senate on the Subject-Their Replies and Remarks of Hayne and others-- The fair Con-

clusion derivable from the Facts-Burr's Libel Suit against Cheetham-Bayard's

Affidavit—The Wager Suit between Gillespie and Smith-Bayard's and Smith's Affi-

davits-Burr's Agency in obtaining these while visiting and holding out Menaces to Jef-

ferson~He attempts surreptitiously to alter Smith's Affidavit-Jefferson's Comments

on Bayard's Affidavit in Ana–General Smith's Letter explanatory of his Affidavit--Its

Faluable Explanations in other particulars,Later Disquisitions and Madison's Reply-

The real Attitude of Jefferson and his Opponents towards each other at the close of the

Election in 1801—-Bayard's later Letters and Speeches illustrative of this,Closing Acts

of Adams's Administration-French Treaty ratified with an Exception-- The Judiciary

Bill_Wolcott appointed one of the Judges,His and the President's Correspondence-

Wolcott's Conduct characterized–Marshall's anomalous Official Position-Expiration

of Sedition Law-Its Decease contemporaneous with that of the National Federal

Party-How the News of Jefferson's Election was publicly Received-His Feelings

towards the Body of the Federalists—His Farewell to the Senate and its answering

Address--His Reputation as a Presiding Officer-Inangural Ceremonies-- His Inaugural

Address_Its Character as a Literary and Political Production-President's Letter to

John Dickinson-Explanatory Letter to Governor Monroe, The Cabinet Appointments

-Mr. Madison-Sketch of Colonel Dearborn-Sketch of Mr. Lincoln--Character of

Gallatin-Samuel and Robert Smith-Mr. Granger-Dawson dispatched to France

with Treaty-President's Letter to Thomas Paine-Permits him to Return to United

States in a Public Vessel Comments of the Federal Press and Clergy thereon--Justice

of their Strictures considered--Paine's Visit to Monticello–Jefferson to Priestley-Hig

Letter to Robinson--He was not understood in New England, and did not understand

the New England Character--Least of all did he understand its Clergy--Character of

the Virginia Clergy-Different Circumstances of New England Clergy--Religions

Character of New England Emigrations—The Religious Principle paramount in the

Social Organization–The Government essentially Hierocratic—The Clergy extended

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Changes called for in the Scale of our Narrative–The first important Question to be

determined by the Administration-Appointments and Removals—Jefferson to Dr. Rush

on the Subject--His Moderation not relished hy all of his own Party--His Policy con-

sidered-Its Success-Federal Murmurs—The Removal of Goodrich-Memorial of New

Haven Merchants thereon and President's Reply--Spirit of Connecticut Federalism

exemplified-Correspondence between General Knox and the President-President

lays dow: a Rule in regard to appointing his Relatives to Office-His Letter to Samuel

Adams-To Gerry-He visits Home–Domestic affairs-Letters to Mrs. Eppes-He

returns to Washington-Commodore Dale sent with a Fleet to the Mediterranean-

Insults of the Barbary Powers-President's Letter to Foreign-born Citizens—Forms

and Maxims of Administration established-Anecdote of Abolition of Levees-Letters to

Mrs. Eppes—President passes the Unhealthy Season at home-- His inofficial Letter to

Livingston on the Subjects of his Mission-Letter to Short on the Impropriety of long

Diplomatic Tenures-Rules of Official Intercourse between President and Cabinet

established-Letter to Monroe in respect to colonizing Insurgent Blacks of Virginia-

Letters to Mrs. Eppes--Result of State Elections of 1801-Meeting of Congress, Dis-

tinguished Members—Organization-President discontinues Executive Speeches, The

Days of State Ceremonials passed-President's first Annual Message-Its Mode of

making Recommendations to Congress Its Contents attacked by the Federalists. The

published Strictures of Hamilton-His Positions and Manner of treating the President,

His Eulogium on the Constitution which he accuses Jefferson of attacking–His private

Denunciation of the Constitution within two months of same date-First Struggle of

Parties in Congress on admitting Reporters Breckenridge moves the Repeal of

Judiciary Act of preceding Session—The Constitutional Power to repeal—President's

Attitude on the Question_Opposition of the Federalists---Passage of the Bill-A second

Judiciary Bill— The Census, and the Apportionment Bill-Military Peace Establishment

-Diminution of Civil Officers and Reduction of Salaries, Internal Taxes abolished

The Naturalization Laws restored to their former Footing--Redemption of the Public

Debt-Law to regulate Indian Trade and Intercourse. l'he general Change in the

Spirit of the Government The Nolo Episcoparı of the President carried out-Ran.

dolph's Tribute on this subject--Sightless Cyclops in the ascendant, and Wise Ulysses

grumbling among elderly Ladies and writing History, .


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Signature of the Bank Bill Jefferson's Reports to Congress The President's Southern Tour--Jefferson's Letter to J. B. Smith, and the Resulting Controversy with Mr. Adams—Jefferson's Letter to Washington on the Subject-To Colonel Monroe-TO Mr. Adams—Mr. Adams's Reply-C. F. Adams's Allegations of Inconsistency considered (Note)—Jefferson's and Madison's Excursion North-Instructions to Mr. Short-Political Correspondence-Yazoo Claims-Effects of United States Bank Specalations-Jefferson visits Hoine-Eighteen Letters to his Daughters-His return, and the Meeting of Congress-Reports to Congress—Report to the President on English and French Commerce-His Views on Constitution of Virginia--Practice of keeping his “ Ana" commenced–The Charges against this Production considered-Reasons for writing it-Did it involve a Breach of Confidence ?--Fairness of Posthumous Publications of this kind-Reasons for revising and leaving it for publication-Judge Marshall and his Life of Washington-Its bearing on the Republican Party, and on Jeffer80n—The Ana intended as a Defence against it-The Right to employ the Testimony adduced— Avoidance of irrelevant Personalities—Compared with similar Productions in this particular--The Duty of Mr. Jefferson's Biographer.

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PresidENT WASHINGTON's signing of the Bank Bill, did not abate Mr. Jefferson's confidence in him, or change their relations in the least degree towards each other. The latter wrote to Colonel Innes, of Virginia, March 13th, 1791:

"I wish you would come forward to the federal Legislature and give your assistance on a larger scale than that on which you are acting at present. I am satistied you could render essential service; and I have such confidence in the purity of your republicanism, that I know your efforts would go in a right direction. Zeal and talents added to the republican scale will do no harm in Congress. It is Fortunate that our first executive inagistrate is purely and zealously republicau

Vol. II.-1






We cannot expect all his successors to be so, and therefore should avail ourselves of the present day to establish principles and examples which may fence us against future heresies preached now, to be practised hereafter."

During the winter session of Congress (1790-91), the Secretary of State made important reports to the House of Representatives relative to the American Mediterranean trade, to our prisoners in Algiers, to the cod and whale fisheries, and to other topics, for which we must refer the reader to his published Works. Congress adjourned on the 3d of March, 1791.

In April, the President set out on a tour through the Southern States. Informing the Cabinet of the points where their communications would find him, at specified dates, le directed them, if serious questions should arise-of which he thought “ the probability wis but too strony”—to consult together, and if necessary, notity him to retun. But if the heads of departments thonght they could legally and properly proceed without the immediate agency of the President, they were authorized to

In a “supposed emergency” (which the President's letters do not specifically name), the Vice-President's opinion was to be taken.'

In May, an event took place which led to some unpleasant consequences; and it was thus described, at the moment, by Mr. Jefferson, one of the principal actors in it, in a letter to the President:

do so.


The last week does not furnish one single public event worthy communicating to you; so that I have only to say “all is well." Paine's answer' to Burke's pamphlet begins to produce some squibs in our public papers. In Fenno's paper they are Burkites, in the others, Painites. One of Fenno's was evidently from the author of the discourses on Davila. I am afraid the indiscretion of a printer has committeni me with my friend, Mr. Adams, for whom, as one of the most honest and disinterested men alive, I have a cordial esteem, increased by long habits of concurrence in opinion in the days of his republicanism; and even since his apostasy to hereditary monarchy and nobility, though we differ, we differ as friends should do. Beckley had the only copy of Paine's pamphlet, and lent it to me, desiring when I should have read it, that I would send it to a Jr. J. B. Smith, wbo had asked it for his brother to repriut it. Being an utter stranger to J. B. Smith,

· He was consulted during the President's absence; and Mr. Jefferson erroneously mentions it as the only occasion" on which the Vict-President “was ever requested to take part in a Cabinet question." This shows that the President's consultation of Mr. Adams, in regard to permitting Lord Dorchester's passage across our territories, was not made known to his Cabinet.

? That is, his “Rights of Man."

Chal'. 1.]



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both by sight and character, I wrote a note to explain to him why I (a stranger to him) sent him a pamphlet, to wit, that Mr. Beckley had desired it; and to take off a little of the dryness of the note, I added that I was glad to find it was to be reprinted, that something would, at length, be publicly said against the political heresies which had lately sprung up among us, and that I did not doubt our citizens would rally again round the standard of Common Sense. That I had in my view the discourses on Davila, which have filled Fenno's papers for a twelvemonth, without contradiction, is certain, but nothing was ever further from my thoughts than to become myself the contradicter before the public. To my great asto::i-):ment, however, when the pamphlet came out, the printer bad prefixed my note to it, without having given me the most distant bint of it.

Mr. Adams will unquessonably take to himself the charge of political heresy, as conscious of his own views of drawing the present government to the form of the English Constitution, and, I fear, will consider me as meaning to injure him in the public eye. I learv that some Anglo-men have censured it in another point of view, as a sanction of Paine's principles tends to give offence to the British Government. Their real fear, however, is that this popular and republican pamphlet, taking wonderfully. is likely at a single stroke to wipe out all the unconstitutional doctrines which their bell-wether Davila has been preaching for a twelvemonth. I certainly never made a secret of my being anti-monarchical, and anti-aristocratical; but I am sincerely mortified to be thus brought forward on the public stage, where to remain, to advance, or to retire, will be equally against my love of silence and quiet, and my abhorrence of dispute.

In a letter to Colonel Monroe (July 10th), Mr. Jefferson thus traced the further history of this affair :

** The papers which I send Mr. Randolph weekly, and which I presume you see, will have shown you what a dust Paine's pamphlet has kicked up bere. My last to Mr. Randolph will have given an explanation as to myself, which I had not time to give when I sent yon the pamphlet. A writer under the name of Publicola, in attacking all Paine's principles, is very desirous of involving me in the same censure with the author. I certainly merit the same, for I profess the same principles; but it is equally certain I never meant to have entered as a volunteer into the cause. My occupations do not permit it. Some persons here are insinunting that I am Brutus, that I am Agricola, that I am Philodemus, etc., etc. I am none of them, being decided not to write a word on the subject, unless any printed imputation should call for a printed disavowal, to which I should put my name. A Boston paper has declared that Mr. Adams 'has no more concern in the publication of the writings of Publicola, than the author of the Rights of Man himself.' If the equivoque here were not intended, the disavowal is not entirely credited, because nob from Mr. Adams bimself, and because the style and sentiments raise so strong a presumptior.' Besides, to produce any effect he must disavow Davila and the Defence of the American Constitutions. A host of writers have risen in favor of Paine, and prove that in this quarter, at least, the spirit of republicanism is sound. The contrary spirit of the high officers of government is more understood than I expected. Colonel Hamilton avowing that he never made a secret of his principles,

1. Mr. Adams's son, John Qnincy Adams, was the anthor of the articles signed Pablicola.

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