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satisfaction. This being still refused, the French proceeded to capture such Portuguese vessels as they fell in with, but without declaring the Tagus in a state of blockade.

These events appear to have engrossed the attention of Don Miguel so entirely as to encourage the Regency in Terceira to assume an offensive attitude. They fitted out an expedition from Angra, which, on the 9th of May, succeeded in capturing the island of St George, another of the Azores. We read, also, of conspiracies and attempted insurrections in Portugal, which had no effect but to swell the number of state prisoners, which already overcrowded the fortress of the kingdom. But the most important incident of the year, in its relation to Portugal, was the abdication of the Crown of Brazil, by Don Pedro, on the 7th of April, and his arrival soon afterwards in Europe in company with his daughter the titular Queen of Portugal. It was foreseen that his new situation would enable him to exert his activity and talents in her behalf, unembarrassed by contradictory obligations, and with a reasonable prospect of success. His movements in Europe will enter more appropriately into the history of another year.

In Spain, the latter part of 1830 and the beginning of 1831 were marked by the abortive attempts of Mina in the north, and Torrijos in the south, to subvert the government of Ferdinand. Contemporaneously with the events of the Three Days, a party of Spanish exiles in England, buoyed up

by the delusive expectation of receiving effective support within the Peninsula, were preparing an expedition against their country. The French revolution came, to fill them with extreme confidence of success, and incite them to redoubled exertion. They vainly imagined that Spain was ripe for revolt, and that nothing was needed but a few bold spirits to fire the train. General Mina was looked up to, on all hands, as the most suitable person to command the projected expedition; but he, it seems, had more accurate knowledge of the state of feeling in Spain, and was more capable of judging concerning it, than many of his countrymen.

From the very outset, he distrusted the means possessed by them, denying that any impression could be made with such slender resources. But the ardor of General Torrijos overcame the caution of Mina; and arrangements were made to convey a ship load of munitions of war to the south of Spain, with a few patriots and a bale of proclamations, as a means of revolutionizing the Peninsula. The vigilance of the Spanish ambassador detected the plan in agitation, and at his suggestion the arms were seized by the British government. But relying on the effect of his own example and presence, Torrijos departed for the coast of Andalusia, in prosecution of his quixotic enterprize.

Meantime the great body of the exiles, stimulated more and more by the progress of the revolution in France, began to repair thither from all quarters, intending to enter Spain by land

from that country. Mina himself yielded to the current, and accompanied his countrymen to the Pyrenees, counting, perhaps, upon the assistance, or at least upon the connivance of the government of Louis Philippe. In Paris, a considerable number of volunteers joined the emigrants, and they received promises of aid in money and arms from the mouvement party in France. They gradually assembled on the Spanish frontiers, partly at Bayonne at the western extremity of the Pyrenees, and partly at Perpignan, on their eastern extremity. These two French cities stand each on the principal high road into Spain, Bayonne being the point of departure for Madrid by way of Burgos, and Perpignan for the same place by way of Barcelona. The former introduces into Navarre and Biscay, the latter into Catalonia and Aragon. A governing junta was established at Bayonne preparatory to actually crossing the frontier.

At this critical moment, when the last remnant of the Spanish constitutionalists were gathered together for a final attempt to deliver their country, they had the madness to revive those deplorable party disputes, which had disgraced and degraded the patriot cause in the time of its greatest ascendancy. The comuneros and the masones had not forgotten their old quarrels. Unfortunate ly, also, the same insubordination of spirit, which distinguished the constitutionalists when they were the nation, was equally to be remarked among them now they were a feeble band of exiles. Mina and the most eminent of

the patriots either as civilians or military men, were of the party of masones; and, as might be expected from their ability and experience, were less confident of success than the comuneros, who rendered themselves objects of commisseration by their violence, and by their impetuosity amounting to rashness. The effect of all this was to deprive their efforts of that unity, without which it was clearly impossible to effect anything useful. At the same time, it must be admitted that their whole scheme was a wild and impracticable one. The Spanish people did not desire a revolution; the fact is undeniable; and without a powerful party in the heart of the kingdom, what had a few hundred exiles to expect, in their invading the country, but defeat to themselves, and ruin to all who shouldespouse their cause? And how much soever we may condemn the factious temper, which distracted the counsels of the patriots, we do not believe the issue would have been different, had their conduct been ever so free from censure.

In effect, however, the consequence was that the comuneros proceeded to cross the frontier in their own time and mode. It is supposed that the entire force assembled along the Pyrenees did not exceed 1000 men, of whom only about the half were Spaniards. Colonel Valdez led the first party of 250 men, which crossed the frontier from Bayonne on the 17th of October, took possession of some villages, and dispersed a few royalist volunteers. But no person joined his standard, and

he would have been speedily cut off, had not General Mina followed him in a few days with the residue of their forces, consisting of about 300 men. It was soon ascertained that the enterprise was a desperate one; for the inhabitants carefully kept aloof, affording neither supplies nor recruits to the invaders. Mina took possession of the town of Irun, and posted his followers on the heights near Vera, a few miles from the great road to Madrid. On the 27th a well appointed royalist force advanced to meet them. It was the advice of Mina to avoid an engagement, and maintain a guerilla warfare in the mountain; but Valdez insisted upon withstanding the royalist troops and was accordingly defeated with great loss, and driven back into France. Mina himself saved his life by a series of hairbreadth escapes, and reached France in a state of extreme wretchedness. Seeing the irretrievable discomfiture of the expedition, the French now interfered, disarming the fugitives and compelling them to leave the neighborhood of Spain.

During the same period, another party of the patriots had entered Spain by the opposite extremity of the Pyrenees; and was in like manner driven back without having accomplished anything, and being reduced themselves to a state of mere starvation. The same fate attended each of the invading parties. Utterly failing to arouse the people, and having no sufficient means of their own to carry on a war with the government, they only enjoyedthe consolation of having

tried the experiment of proffering liberty to their countrymen. The French had regarded their preparation with an eye of sympathy, if not of encouragement, so long as there was a possibility of their success. It became indispensable to disarm them, when they were become a band of desperate fugitives, capable only of keeping the frontier in confusion. In fact, perfect tranquillity was restored long before the close of the year, along the whole line of the Pyrenees.

It was several months before anything certain was known of the fate of Torrijos. He landed at Algeziras with his few friends and his proclamations; but was speedily taken prisoner and executed, with all his party, without having in the least degree shaken the stability of the government. As in Catalonia, Navarre, and Biscay, so also in Andalusia, whatever dissatisfaction the people might feel towards Ferdinand, they were evidently determined not to rush into the hazards of a new revolution, without more certain grounds of success, than the existing state of affairs in the kingdom afforded. The emigrants appear to have been strangely ignorant of the fact, that there was no revolutionary party in Spain. Miscalculating the effect, which the French revolution was to have in the Peninsula, Torrijos and Valdez seem to have imagined, that they had only to show themselves, and patriot armies would rise up at their bidding. But they mistook both their own consequence, and the feelings of the nation, in supposing it so easy to shake the throne of Ferdinand.



Greece.-Effect of the Treaty of Adrianople.-Protocol of February.-Choice of Leopold.-He declines.-State of Greece.Destruction of the Fleet.-Assassination of Capo d'Istrias.Turkey.-Mahmoud's Reform.-Revolts.-The Viceroy of


WHEN the treaty of Adrianople gulfs of Arta and Volo. The had shown the humiliated condi- conditions of this arrangement not tion of the Porte, it was presumed having been acceded to by the that Greece, protected by the great Porte, the allies did not on their allied powers, would begin to en- part feel bound to adhere to them joy repose, under some form of in any new arrangements, which government suited to the genius of circumstances might render exher people. But three years pedient. The Sultan had been have since elapsed, without see- compelled by the victories of the ing the accomplishment of so de- Russians to engage, that he would sirable an object. This may be submit the whole question unreowing, in some sort, to domestic servedly to the conference of the causes; but is to be ascribed, in a allies at London, pledging himself greater degree, to the selfish poli- to abide by their decision. They cy of the allies, which leads them accordingly proceeded, by a proto insist upon imposing on Greece tocol of the 3d of February 1830, a form of government, and per- to settle anew the destinies of sons to exercise it, without duly Greece. consulting the mind and feelings of the Greeks themselves. By the protocol of March, 1829, Greece was made a principality, bound to acknowledge the Sultan as sovereign or feudal superior, and bound also to the pay- all the rights, political, adminisment to Turkey, of a stipulated trative, and commercial, attached tribute. At the same time, it to complete independence. But was provided that the frontier of while thus depriving Turkey of her the new principality, on the north, qualified dominion over Greece, should extend across between the as secured by the protocol of

This protocol was considered by the allies as the solemn act for constituting the future state. They began by deciding that henceforth the Greeks should form a free people, invested with

March, 1829, the allied powers saw fit, on the other hand, to narrow the boundaries of the territory to be detached from the Turkish empire, thus depriving Greece of a defensible military frontier, which was accorded to her by the previous arrangement. They decided, also, that the government of Greece should be a monarchy, and that the first recipient of the new dignity should be nominated by them, from among some of the princes of Europe.

February; and on the 11th, replied, desiring information upon certain points, as indispensable to his coming to a decision to accept the trust. The conditions, which he thus annexed to his acceptance, were 1, a guarantee of the new state against foreign aggression; 2, protection to the Greek inhabitants of Candia and Samos; 3, the extension of his northern frontier so as to render it defensible in a military point of view; 4, pecuniary succor; and 5, temporary assistance in troops, to enable him to organize his government, and establish and maintain public order. In regard to the first, fourth, and fifth condi

Having determined to select a ruler for Greece, from among the European royal and princely houses, the allies very soon turned their eyes to Germany, as a tions, an agreement was finally kind of officina principum,' fur- concluded, and after much negonishing them with abundance of ciation, carried on chiefly benew materials well adapted for tween Leopold and Lord Aberthe manufacture of kings with the deen the English plenipotentiary, proper hereditary marks of gen- it was settled that the French uineness. Candidates, of course, troops should stay in Greece were not wanting, and among another year; and the allies conthem, Leopold of Saxe-Coburg sented to guarantee a Greek loan` was the most prominent, and by of sixty millions of francs, for the his alliance with the British royal benefit of Leopold. The whole family as well as the large pen- correspondence on this subject sion he enjoyed from England, exhibits a scene of higgling and the most likely to be useful to chaffering on the part of Lord Greece. The allied powers, it Aberdeen, little to the honor of should be observed, had mutually the British cabinet, which gained agreed to exclude the immediate no credit by the negociation. In members of their respective fam- fact, England, which had never ilies from consideration. Russia made any sacrifice in behalf of went so far as to make Charles X. Greece, which had only interferher proxy in the matter, so that ed in her favor, out of jeal-. in fact the choice rested with ousy towards Russia, proved France. Charles proffered the true, on this occasion, to the tradhonor to prince John of Saxony, ing spirit, which is so apt to perwho declined it; and it was then vade her foreign policy. Leoconferred on Leopold. pold, however, succeeding in Leopold received the offer of obtaining the engagements he the Greek crown on the 4th of desired in this respect; but in

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