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considerations are assigned as the explanation of the distracted state of some of the Turkish provinces, and the open rebellion of others. In Europe, the most alarming and serious revolt was that of the Pacha of Albania. But the troubles in Rumelia and elsewhere, occasioned by the Pacha of Albania, great as they were, yielded in consequence to those in the eastern extremity of the Empire, where Daoud, the Pacha of Bagdad, raised the standard of rebellion. In consequence of this, the Pacha of Aleppo was charged to assemble all his disposable forces in Asia Minor, and march against Daoud. And lest his resources should prove insufficient, the Viceroy of Egypt was desired to send reinforcements from Egypt, with a promise of the pachalic of Syria

as the

recompense of his services. These preparations enabled the Porte to overcome Daoud in a battle before Moussoul, and to drive him into the citadel where he was beseiged.

Thus every year has added to the power of the Egyptian Viceroy. Egypt was acquired by this fortunate and aspiring soldier in spite of the opposition of the Porte. He carried his arms into Nuba, Fezzan, and Sennaar. The schism and revolt of the Wahabees in Arabia proved too much for the Sultan to cope with; and his great vassal, after vanquishing the rebels, became the ruler of the country, which he had subjugated anew in the name of the Sultan. Candia followed, at the conclusion of the Greek war, falling into the hands of the Viceroy, quite as much from the incapacity of the Sultan to retain it of himself, as on account of the merits and losses of Ali, in the contest with Greece. The introduction of his arms into the affairs of the Levant could not fail, as the result has demonstrated, to have important influence on the affairs of the Turkish Empire. But the events of the war in Syria belong to the history of another year.



Frequency of Revolutions.-Partition of Poland.-Its Effects.Policy of Napoleon.-The Polish Legion.-The Dutchy of Warsaw.-Congress of Vienna.-Poland subjected to Russia.Alexander's Charter.-Tyranny of the Russians.-Conspiracy of 1825.-Oppression of Nicholas.-New Conspiracy.-Effect of the French Revolution.-Designs of Nicholas.-Commencement of the Revolution.

THE present generation has grown familiar with the dismemberment of kingdoms, and the forcible disposition of states and provinces, according to the caprice of selfish alliances or irresponsible conquerors. We have seen Italy, Switzerland, and the Netherlands conquered by, or annexed to, France; Spain, Portugal, Sardinia, Prussia, and half the principalities and kingdoms of Germany, subjugated by Napoleon; Finland torn from Sweden, and Normandy joined to it, by the fiat of others; and all continental Europe prostrated before the feet of a mere soldier of fortune. Again, we have seen the tide of conquest driven back; France stripped of her acquisitions, and these arbitrarily distributed here and there, just as sundry great allies considered meet; Belgium and Holland tied together in Mezentian bonds; Prussia once more supreme from the Rhine to the Memel; Lombardy engorged again by the successors of Frederic Barbarossa;

France and Naples restored by a dash of the pen to the dynasties they hated and despised; and unhappy Poland yielded up anew to the tender mercies of the Czar. Later still, the invasion of Savoy and Naples by the Austrians, of Spain by the French, and of Portugal by the English, in order to give ascendancy to particular parties, and to sustain some internal modification of government, agreeable to the will of their officious ally, have borne further testimony to the nature and qualities of European independence. The Sultan, again, has been obliged to submit to the dismemberment of his Empire to gratify the wishes of his friends, and the severed member has been compelled to accept of such a government, and such rulers, as the same kind friends might choose to impose. Even at the present time, Europe is witnessing the spectacle of what was once among her most important states, namely, Holland, compelled to forego her rights as a na

tion, at the dictation of the powerful neighbors around her. Many other examples to the same effect might be cited, interpositions of some partial alliance or potent monarch to change the destinies of entire nations and peoples, occasionally, it is true, in the interest of liberty and improvement, but more frequently to advance the interests of despotism and usurpation. Such continual bouleversemens among the states of Europe, effected by foreigners without consultation of the desires of the parties acted upon, have served to blunt the delicacy, and deaden the sensitiveness, of the public feeling in regard to revolutions affecting the nationality of a people.

But it was not so in former times. To maintain the balance of power in Europe, as it was phrased, Flanders was filled, in the days of Marlborough and Turenne, with contending armies for many successive years, when the whole territory in dispute was but a tithe of what has since been given to this prince, or taken from that, as carelessly and unrespectively as the ancient Persian kings were used to distribute cities among favorites about the throne, or as Rome made and unmade kings in the Asiatic provinces of her Empire. What treasure was lavished, how much blood was shed, to prevent a testamentary devise in favor of the grandson of Louis XIV. from taking effect! -The permanency, the unchangeableness of states, was then the dominant idea among statesmen; all the acts of diplomacy were aimed to accomplish this

object, by such combinations of one set of governments, as should prevent others from acquiring too large share of the soil of Europe. Even the gradual increase of Prussia, although seemingly in violation of this principle, was in fact a consequence of it, the growth of the House of Brandenburg being countenanced to secure the equipoise of the Germanic confederation.

It was in such a state of public opinion, that Europe saw the three north-eastern monarchies, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, combine for the partition of Poland, thus breaking down the doctrine of the status in quo, that common law in Europe, by which alone the weaker powers subsisted, and setting an example of unprincipled rapacity, of which they themselves were destined to be the future victims. The western powers of Europe seemed to be astounded and stupified, rather than shocked and aroused as they ought to have been, by the highhanded and flagitious violation of the national sovereignty of the Poles; and the indignation of England and France evaporated in idle and fruitless popular sympathy with the sufferers. The monstrous injustice of the act in question shocked, it is true, the whole of Europe, to a degree proportioned to the sacredness which was then attached to the idea of nationality. Poetry exhausted all her invention, and philosophy poured out her stores of eloquence, in malediction of the leagued oppressors. But the Poles were left to fight the battles of their independence single

handed; and this gallant and being duly appreciated,-if Nafree-spirited nation, which, within poleon, after humbling Austria, less than a century, has number- subduing Prussia, and intimidating ed a population of twenty million Russia, had made the reintesouls, was swallowed up and des- gration of Poland the hinge of troyed after a desperate struggle, his northern policy, how nobly by the bearded barbarians of would he have avenged the Muscovy and the hereditary slaves wrongs of the Poles, how triumof Prussia and Austria. phantly would he have sustained When the shameless coalition, himself, how totally different from which partitioned Poland, was its present aspect would now suffered to go unpunished, the be the condition of Europe!moral sense of Europe, in regard Napoleon possessed ample opto the integrity of national sover- portunity to revive the Polish naeignty, was extinguished. We tion, and to render it the bulwark saw the effects of this in the fa- of western Europe against the cility with which revolutionary Russians, as it had formerly been France overran the Netherlands, against the Turks. After the the Rhine, and Italy. In the re- final defeat of Kosciuscko in the cent rapacity of legitimate empe- battle of Maceiowice, the scatrors, Napoleon could not fail to tered relics of the armed Poles find apology, at least, for his own were united together by Domdisregard of the rights of nation- browski, one of the most eminent ality. How could Prussia appeal among the Polish patriots, who to the sympathies of Europe in offered their services to France, her behalf, with the fresh blood not as mere mercenary auxiliaries, of the injured Poles yet reeking but as an expatriated nation, who on her hands? How could Aus- wished to maintain their nationaltria complain of provinces ravish- ity under the banner of the only ed from her sceptre on the south, country, of whom they could exwhen her northern frontier was pect the recompense they looked pieced out with the ill-gotten for, namely, the restoration of fragments of plundered Poland? Poland. They were joyfully reHow could Russia object to the ceived, to the number of 15,000, extension of Empire by unpro- into the armies of the French voked invasion, when she herself Republic, and proved the bravest had set up a school in Poland for among the brave in the ranks of the teaching of lessons of invasion, those victorious legions, which outrage, tyranny, and profitable planted the tricolored flag on evecrime?-Sure we are, that, until ry cathedral in Europe, and covthey themselves were just, those ered the French name with glothree governments had no right ry. In Italy, Egypt, Spain, to call on others to be generous. Germany, Prussia, wherever NaIf that mighty genius, whom the poleon advanced his eagles, the interested calumnies of a volunta- Poles were always to be found, ry enemy so long prevented from anxious only to perpetuate the

individuality of their nation, and glad to die so that on some future day Poland might live. A junta, or committee of Poles continued to sit, either in Italy or France, which scrupulously observed the rules of the Diet, in order that the existence of the nation might not be suspended, nor the sacred flame of Polish independence be quenched for a moment. Op every field of victory, wherever the thanks of the French nation were presented to the gallant Polish legion, Dombrowski never failed to remind France of the reward, to which they aspired. They fought for France, with all the courage and enthusiasm which characterize them; but it was in their country's behalf that they poured out their blood so freely. At Marengo and Wagram, at Jena and Austerlitz, it was still for Poland they conquered.

Although Napoleon never did justice to the merits and virtues of the Poles,-merits and virtues of which no man was more conscious, and of which he availed himself on the most trying occasions, yet he could not always resist the prayers of this heroic people. During his triumphant career in Prussia, it was in his power to have redeemed Poland. Especially in 1812, when his victorious armies occupied Wilna, the Poles looked to him for the accomplishment of all the promises of France in their behalf. But unfortunately for himelf, as well as for them, success ad hardened him to the calls of enerosity, and in the selfish calulations of his own personal poli

cy, he but half met the ardent expectations of the Poles. Instead of re-establishing the kingdom of Poland, he had merely formed the grand dutchy of Warsaw, composed of five departments taken from Austria, and seven from Prussia, and comprehending a population of 4,334,656 souls. Although the Poles were disappointed, and with just cause, at the want of generosity, as well as good policy, displayed in these arrangements, yet they were thankful for the boon they received, and felt that their sufferings and sacrifices had not been in vain. They were once more a people, with a home and a name, and they were unspeakably grateful for the blessing.

Of course, the Poles did not fail to stand by Napoleon, in his desperate conflict with Russia, and they were the joint victims of his defeat, as they would have been the participators in his success. When the Russians occupied the dutchy of Warsaw in 1813, they hastened to conclude with Prussia and Austria one more treaty of partition, by which the Czar was to have yet another share of Poland. But the further events of the campaign prevented the execution of this treaty; and the fate of the Poles came up for consideration in the Congress of Vienna. The victorious allies were assembled to dispose of the multitude of states, which they had torn from the authority or influence of Napoleon. More than thirty millions of human beings, inhabitants of Poland, Germany, the Netherlands

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